COVER STORY (Spotlight Weekly)

Congress Vs Congress

The first round of internal elections has changed the Nepali Congress from a party of nominees to a party of democratically elected representatives with popular local base. In the second round, Congress strongman Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is facing a challenge from his disciple, former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. Nothing strange in a democracy where the result is decided by elections between teacher and disciple.

By KESHAB POUDEL

When Shailaja Acharya withdrew her candidature for party presidentship on the evening of November 28, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba found themselves pitted against each other in a direct contest for the post.

The Nepali Congress general convention, scheduled to be held in Pokhara in February, will see a gathering of about 1,300 delegates who will formally choose between Koirala and Deuba for the top party position.

As the party is also considering a plan to increase the number of elected members from five to fifteen percent, the convention will be an added hotbed of activity.

Koirala kicked off his election campaign by addressing a mass meeting in his hometown, Biratnagar. Deuba, suffering from acute back and shoulder pain, plans to hit the campaign trail after a few more days of rest.

The Koirala-Deuba duel has divided the Congress party's rank and file, but the competitive spirit has also injected new life in the organization. In many areas, Koirala opponents saw Deuba as a symbolic candidate.

In a democratic party like Congress, such divisions are inevitable. The important question is whether and how the leaders can accommodate their opponents after the elections.

As election day nears, the two factions are busy working on their own strategies for victory. Koirala supporters are planning to show Deuba how costly is would be to oppose the party strongman.

Deuba loyalists are coming out in full combat gear. With the backing of Khum Bahadur Khadka and Bijaya Gachhedar along with Chiranjibi Wagle and other loyalists of former prime minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Deuba has been weighing every way to defeat Koirala.

Some Deuba supporters are considering whether to register a vote of no-confidence against Koirala in the parliamentary party.

In its 50-year history, the Nepali Congress has chosen only a few leaders though elections. Prime Minister Koirala is the first politician in the party who has shown the determination to contest the elections twice. This time, too, he is determined to win.

Koirala - a master player of Nepalese politics - is playing very calculated games ever since he announced his candidature on November 7, just a few days before the grass-roots-level elections began. As party president, he has made every effort to convince his critics that the elections would be held in a free and fair manner.

Koirala even set up an independent election committee headed by senior advocate Mukunda Regmi.

From the very beginning, the Deuba group has shown some reluctance to contest the elections, because many in that camp know it is virtually impossible to defeat Koirala.

Responding to requests from Bhattarai and Deuba, Koirala postponed the general convention by three months. The delay has helped Koirala more than the Bhattarai-Deuba duo.

As usual, Koirala supporters retained an overwhelming majority in the first round of elections. Deuba supporters are obviously worried.

Koirala has appeared determined from the day he announced his candidature. "Every Congress worker has the right to contest elections. I am very confident that I will win another five-year term," he said while announcing his candidacy. (See SPOTLIGHT November 10-16)

The anxiety in the Deuba camp is understandable as members are aware of their actual position in the party. After the withdrawal of Acharya from the contest, Deuba's hope of dividing Koirala's votes was shattered.

Instead of challenging Koirala to an open contest, Deuba is pressing the prime minister to withdraw his nomination. "Girijababu cannot hold two posts. He must help to elect me as a party president," Deuba says. (See interview)

If the results of first round of elections are any indication, Deuba will not gain the majority of votes needed to elect him president. According to Congress insiders, more than 70 percent of die-hard Koirala supporters were elected to the general convention against 25 percent of Deuba loyalists. The remaining five percent who are undecided will finally support Koirala, they say.

Although Deuba has already irritated the Koirala camp by what is seen as his derogatory comments, he has established himself as the main anti-Koirala rebel nationwide.

Elections Campaigns

As election fever is gradually picking up in Congress, Deuba supporters are coming up aggressively against Koirala. They have started accusing Koirala of diminishing the role of the party.

"Congress does not have a future as long as Girijababu is president," says Wagle.

Koirala loyalists are mounting a forceful defense of their leader. "Girijababu does not have any challenger in the party. We need Girijababu as a party president today," says Arjun Narshing K.C.

There is a clear rift between the Koirala and Deuba groups all the way to the grass-roots level.

Prime Minister Koirala has special reasons to insist on elections. "Girijababu wants elections as he is almost all certain to defeat his rival by a big margin. If Girijababu wins the elections, he will put all his opponents apart," says a Congress insider.

Acharya's withdrawal was not surprising, but it did come as a jolt to the Deuba camp, which was hoping to gain from a three-way contest.

Old Vs Young

Deuba's group argues that Koirala is too old to govern. Other see capability, rather than age, as the prime consideration.

"The leader should be chosen on the basis of his vision and programs rather than age," says former foreign minister Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat.

Bhim Bahadur Tamang agrees."Girijababu can devote more time than any second-generation leader in the party," he says. "And the other important factor is acceptability."

Young Leaders

The Nepali Congress has a number of capable youth leaders but only Deuba is in the forefront. Deputy Prime Minister Ram Chandra Poudel, Shailaja Acharya and Sushil Koirala are also counted in the second-generation leadership race. But no one has challenged Koirala.

Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat, Finance Minister Mahesh Acharya, who says there is no alternative to Koirala in the party today, may provide good substitute leadership.

Former speaker Daman Nath Dhungana had the potential to rival Deuba in the party, he pushed himself into greater irrelevancy through his public comments.

Although Deuba failed to prove himself as an efficient administrator during his tenure as prime minister, no one has found a replacement for him among today's young leaders. Even Bhattarai has endorsed him. "There are many who can compete with Deuba but they don't want to show their strength as long as Girijababu is around," says a Congress insider.

Though Deuba has set many infamous record, he has now acquired nation-wide acceptance as the pre-eminent second-generation Congress leader. Sushil Koirala, too, is popular in the grass-roots level, but he does not have the personality to attract voters.

"If Deuba withdraws his candidacy, it will help him to project himself as a leader. But I don't think he will understand this important message," says a Congress member.

Koirala's Position

It is almost certain that there will be an election for the party presidentship, as neither candidate is expected to withdraw. Although Koirala opponents have made every attempt to prevent an election, it is Koirala himself who has committed himself to a free and fair vote.

After his election as party president in 1995, Koirala set the precedent for polls within the party. Koirala also contested an election for the parliamentary party leadership against Deuba and won with a thumping margin.

Acharya pulled out of the race following the results of the first phase of elections when she saw greater determination in Koirala. Many saw Acharya's move as part of bargaining strategy with Koirala to keep Sushil Koirala at bay.

Although he has often said that he would defeat Koirala in an open contest, Deuba has been continuously asking Koirala to withdraw his candidature.

Many believe it would be virtually impossible for anyone to defeat Koirala, who is credited with building the party organization during his five decades in politics. As long as he wishes to contest elections, Koirala would remain invincible, one analyst says.

"I have not seen any confidence in Deuba's speeches. He is talking as if he has already lost the elections," says Shiva Bahadur Khadka, a youth Congress leader and colleague of Deuba. "How can he defeat Koirala when he is himself uncertain about the elections? asked Khadka, who has been elected as a member of the convention.

Internal Democracy

As the need to promote internal democracy finds greater emphasis in the Nepali Congress, the era of back-door maneuvering and consensus-building is gradually fading. Elections will decide the fate of a leader. This movement toward greater internal democracy would go on to build a stronger popular base for the party, some analysts say.

Others view organizational elections with skepticism, saying they represent nothing more than expenditure of resources, strength and energy that could have been focused outside.

Nepali Congress members have spent their time and energy to fight among themselves. In the last 10 years, there has been constant bickering.

First it was between Koirala and Ganesh Man Singh and then between Koirala and Bhattarai. Now it is between Koirala and Deuba.

This perennial squabbling has often exacted a political price. However, the party has not learned from its crushing election defeat in 2051, forced by a near-split in the party.

"It seems Congress is a party-less party. Internally, there is no comradeship," says a Congress insider. "Each member continues to see another as a rival long after the elections are over."

Political observers consider the recent grass-roots-level elections important as a means of interest aggregation and interest articulation.

Internal elections will strengthen grass-roots leadership and establish the political process along a healthy course.

The role of political parties is to embody, organize and express the feelings of the people. A political party can successfully express those sentiments when it forms the government and works to promote good governance. In effect, when it works in the interest of the people.

History

The Nepali Congress was established in 2006 BS following the merger of the Nepali National Congress and Nepal Democratic Congress. The Gorkha Parishad later merged with Congress.

The party also has a history of splits. It first split in 2008 B.S. following differences between the two elder Koirala brothers, BP and Matrika Prasad.

In 2028, the party split as the 38 Group led by Bakhan Singh Gurung. Later Parsu Narayan Chaudhary took a faction into the Panchayat. After the dissolution of House of Representatives in 1994, Ganesh Man Singh broke away from the party.

In a multiparty system, the people have multiple choices of parties and individuals and there are opportunities for the articulation of opposing voices.

A political party is also an instrument of the people to make and break the government. If this instrument is democratically organized, its representative character will always keep the party popular.

Political parties evolve in accordance with necessity and they cannot be imported. Parties fade into irrelevance if they adopt unrealistic issues.

Even in a country where parties are banned, the people's quest for organizing themselves is channeled through other means, such as personality politics, which is also evident in Nepal.

Possibility of Split:

If the infighting continues and there is no reconciliation between the rival groups, the interest of the Nepali Congress may be damaged. In many cases, elections have split parties. But in Congress, it is power which has always prevented a split.

As Congress is now more influential because of popularly elected leaders in both the party and government, its base has expanded. As long as there is a possibility of going to power, there will be compulsions to keep the party intact.

"I want a united party as I cannot form the government without party unity. In that sense you can call me selfish," says Deuba. "Why should I break the party at a time when I want to be prime minister?"

‘No Chance Of A Split In Congress’

— GIRIJA PRASAD KOIRALA

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala spoke to journalists in Biratnagar on Monday. Excepts:

How do you see the grassroots-level elections in the party?

Such elections have never been held in the history of the Nepali Congress. They also drew the participation of our opponents. From Maoists to RPP, UML and ML, all opposition parties have shown some sort of interest in the Congress elections. All of them have their own choices.

What is your opinion on the candidature of Sher Bahadur Deuba for the party presidentship?

Last time I fought the elections with Chiranjibiji and now I am contesting with Deubaji.

What is the state of internal democracy in the party?

I have always stressed the need for internal competition and democratization. The upcoming election for party chief is also a part of the democratic process. Competition is vital to democracy. The party convention will guide the future course of the Nepali Congress as well as the government.

Is there a possibility of a split in the party?

The Nepali Congress cannot split as it is a democratic party with long history.

What are your views on the convention?

I am confident that it will be held democratically and encourage internal democracy.

‘Age Cannot Be A Barrier To Leadership’

— DR. RAM SHARAN MAHAT

Former finance minister Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat claims to be a centrist in the ruling Nepali Congress. As the party convention, slated for February, is approaching, Dr. Mahat spoke to SPOTLIGHT on different issues relating to his party’s politics. Excerpts:

How do you see the party’s election process?

Despite some irregularities and wrongdoing, the grassroots-level elections have promoted internal democracy in the party. It has also injected enthusiasm.

What needs to be done to stop such irregularities?

First and foremost, there needs to be a system for the voters' list.

As Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba both have announced their candidacy for the party presidentship, how do you foresee the election?

The leadership should have a clear vision on where it wants to take the country. A leader needs to have a clear developmental vision on how to utilize the country's resources, including the use of water resources for the eradication of poverty. The world is moving very fast, and we need leaders who can cope with this fast change. There is a need to decentralize the party. Till now it is centralized. Issues like good governance, development and progress must be adopted as the core of politics.

You mean the leaders should be chosen on the basis of their programs?

Yes. The issue is not who is going to be the leader of the party. The debate must focus on the capability of transformation. It is not the individual who should go to power but an effective vision.

Some of your party colleagues are talking about the need to hand over the leadership to the second generation. What is your view?

I don't think that age can be a barrier to leadership. It is the commitment and the strength of the leaders to work. Young leaders are not necessarily good for the country, and old ones are not totally bad -- it depends on the individual. Even an old leader can have a better ability to work hard.

Are you planning to contest the elections?

I have not decided yet but I might contest.

‘There Is No Question Of Generation And Successor In The Party’

— NARAHARI ACHARYA

Nepali Congress spokesman Narahari Acharya is known to be close to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. Acharya, who won the elections for the party general convention from the No. 3 constituency of Kathmandu, spoke to SPOTLIGHT on various issues relating to the party convention. Excerpts:

How do you see the forthcoming convention of the party?

It is not a question of who is going to be the party president or who is becoming what. The challenge is to accommodate the experiences gained in the last 10 years for the betterment of the future.

Is there any issue of generation or successor in the party?

There is no question of generation or successor in the party. There have to be ideas and commitment in the individual rather than questions of generation.

What are your impressions about the party’s recent district elections?

The elections were held in different phases at the regional, local and district levels. This was one of the points Girijababu committed himself to when he fought the elections for the party presidentship five years ago. This is the first time the elections were held impartially and democratically throughout the country.

What makes you so sure that the elections were held impartially?

Earlier, it is used to be the party general secretary who had the right to hold the elections. But this time, the party constituted an election commission under the chairmanship of an independent personality.

Is Congress planning to amend its constitution to pave the way for more elected members?

We are drafting a constitution that would allot more than 50 percent of central committee seats to members who are elected.

‘Girijababu Is Bent On Keeping Me Away From The Party Presidency’

— SHER BAHADUR DEUBA

Former prime minister SHER BAHADUR DEUBA is slowly establishing himself as the natural leader among second-generation Congressmen. Ever since he announced his candidacy against his one-time mentor, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, for the post of party president in the forthcoming convention, Deuba has been making headlines. The recent district conventions of the party saw his group making impressive gains. Deuba spoke to KESHAB POUDEL and SANJAYA DHAKAL at his residence in Thapathali for more than an hour. Excerpts:

What do you make of the existing situation in the Nepali Congress?

After the completion of the first round of district conventions, we found that there were irregularities in 25 percent of the places. The Central Working Committee had decided to renew the active membership of all members (excluding those who defied party discipline and stood as independent/rebel candidates in general election of 1994) who had renewed their membership before 1994. But, in practice, a large number of old Congress workers was excluded from the list. In many places, new members were included while the older ones were omitted. In a calculated move, many of my supporters were denied active membership. But despite such an adverse situation, I am confident I have enough supporters to

win the party election.

You claim to be an independent candidate, but many believe you are backed by former prime minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai. What do you say?

Kishunji has made it clear that the time has come to hand over leadership to a new generation. According to him, this is the time for Girijababu and himself to play the role of party guardians. In that sense, I got his support. I feel obliged and honored to have received the support from such a highly respected and ideal leader.

Earlier you were being regarded as a second-generation leader acceptable to all, but your recent activities are said to be transforming you into merely a factional leader. Any comments?

I do not represent any particular faction. One should clearly understand that democracy needs opposition. Otherwise, it will become autocratic. Dissent is the essence of democracy. We cannot say that a party that is dominated by one idea is a democratic one. This domination can lead a party or the state on a dictatorial path. Fighting elections does not mean factionalism. It is a way to strengthen internal democracy.

In the name of dissension, you are launching personal attacks against Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and his family. Do you think this is healthy?

Personally, I have not accused anybody. Some newspapers have been publishing things that I did not say. I still maintain patience and tolerance with regard to my leader. In fact, I am not even accustomed to using derogatory words.

But you complained about the hegemony of Koirala family in the party. Is that not derogatory?

I have not said anything about family hegemony or Koirala-ization. What I have been saying is that Girijababu should be supporting me. He removed Kishunji from the premiership promising three things: containing Maoists, controlling corruption and restoring law and order. But the situation today is 100 times worse than that during the period of Kishunji. I know that his commitments are not easy to fulfill. If you look at newspaper reports, you will find there is corruption everywhere. There is no sense of good governance and the lack of coordination among ministries is apparent. If you study the RNAC-Lauda Air deal, there is a sharp contradiction among different institutions. When he is finding it difficult to fulfill his responsibilities as prime minister, how can he promise to take the additional charge of party affairs. He cannot bear both responsibilities now.

Do you mean his intention is to block you from winning the party presidentship?

Yes, I feel that Girijababu's present activities show that he is bent on keeping me away from the party presidentship.

Despite your claims, it is clear that you are surrounded by the very people who mince no words in criticizing Prime Minister Koirala. Because of this reason, Koirala might be suspecting you. Don’t you think so?

I am not surrounded by people that are anti-Girijababu. As you know, all of us are supporters of B.P. Koirala. I am supported by all pro-Koirala elements. Then what about the members from the erstwhile Group of 36 and Pradeep Giri?

You cannot identify an individual on the basis of the already defunct Groups of 36 and 74. These people are just urging Girijababu not to contest the elections. I don't take that as an anti-Koirala statement. Why should Girijababu contest now? His only intention is to stop me. He declared his candidacy following his assessment that I could not be defeated by anyone else.

You mean you don't have rivals from among second-generation leaders in the party?

Yes, I don't have any rivals.

If you say you don't have any rivals in second generation, then what prompted you to take a confrontational approach instead of embracing an accommodative one?

I have not taken a confrontational course. Is contesting elections a confrontational approach?

Many see you as the natural successor in the party leadership. Why do you want confrontation?

I have told you, I am not confronting anybody.

Then, what about the strong statements and interviews ...

I have already told Girijababu he will receive the support of all the 43 [pro-Deuba] MPs once he agrees to help me win the party presidentship. I know that he cannot hold both the position as he is too old.

How can you say that he cannot work just because of his age?

You cannot say he is active at a time when he is taking help from behind the curtain to function.

What do you mean by ‘behind the curtain’?

I mean those people who enjoy power without accountability. We can see such people active in the party today.

Do you think it is possible to run the government smoothly without the power of party presidentship?

The question is not power but how to accommodate all party workers. Even in a family, one needs to make proper arrangements to satisfy everyone. In the case of a party, this is more essential.

It is also said that you are opposing the entire Koirala family because you are irritated by Sushil Koirala and Shailaja Acharya. Is this true?

I do not have anything to say about them as both of them have suffered a lot during the struggle against the erstwhile Panchayat regime.

So, they do not irritate you?

I would not want to oppose them even if they irritate me. What I am saying is the reality. If speaking the reality offends somebody, I do not have anything to say.

Are you saying that you are, after all, against the Koirala family?

This is not a question of any family. I am speaking the truth.

Why are you in such a hurry to go to power when you are regarded as the natural successor to the party leadership?

I am not in a hurry. If I am the natural successor, Girijababu must allow me to lead the party. I am accepted by the people, party workers, and friends, both national and international. In such a situation, it is strange why Girijababu should want to stop me.

Two of your leaders are already over 75 years of age. What prompted you to confront the elder one?

You cannot ask any one to have patience just on the ground of age. I have to take the initiative now otherwise how can I run the party when the responsibility starts falling on me suddenly. Girijababu has to groom me now. It is unjust to stop me when I, myself, am trying to come up as a leader.

How can you say that you have not been groomed by Prime Minister Koirala? He gave you important ministerial portfolios in the past? Was not he also instrumental in your becoming prime minister?

Yes, he handed over me the home portfolio during his first tenure and supported me during other occasions. But that does not mean I did not deserve that. I helped the party to sweep 18 seats from the far western region in the first general elections. I was elected prime minister because both Kishunji and Girijababu backed me. Because of their support, I was elected unopposed as leader of the main opposition in 1994. I also promptly resigned from that post when Girijababu asked me to resign from the parliamentary party leadership in 1997.

Koirala followers say you did not support him in solving the Maoist problem.

This is a false accusation. It was Girijababu who prevented me from finding a solution to the Maoist problem. I repeatedly told him that I would bring the Maoists to the table as soon as the government disclosed the whereabouts of Maoist prisoners.

When did you last meet Prime Minister Koirala?

Girijababu came to my residence last week when I was resting after a bout with shoulder pain. I have no difference with him except his candidacy. I have and always will support him.

Is it justifiable to prevent someone from exercising his democratic right?

I have not asked Girijababu to withdraw. I have only humbly requested him to support me. Girijababu is the prime minister, so he must leave party presidency to me.

Congress leaders are themselves accusing each other of corruption and inefficiency. How can you shut the mouth of opposition parties?

I have not accused Congress leaders as being corrupt. It is Sushil Koirala who is levelling such charges. I have just said that Girijababu has failed to contain Maoists, control corruption and deliver good governance. It is a fact. If anybody says speaking the fact is a crime, I am willing to be punished. I am a student of Girijababu, so he should promote me. I am also a human being who has his own desires and ambitions.

As your party is divided into two factions, is there any possibility of a split after the convention?

If I win the elections, I will accommodate all my critics and opponents. I will respect my opposition. I am a follower of B.P. Koirala as well as a student of G.P. Koirala. I am also inspired by Ganeshmanji, Kishunji and Subarnaji. I will not allow the party to split. The party’s unity is more important to me than anything else. I still have another 20 to 25 years of active politic. I will suffer the most if the party splits. You can call me selfish in that sense. How can a person who is aspiring for the post of party presidentship and prime ministership split the party.

You are, in your words, a follower of B.P. Koirala. Why are you not uniting the party at a time of crisis?

I am proud to be a follower of B.P. Koirala. I cannot take the entire blame for the mess the party is in, Girijababu is also responsible. Girijababu is surrounded by a coterie that wants to diminish my role. If Girijababu succeeds in politics, he will be credited by history. I will always tell him to do right thing.

You also have your family coterie?

I don't have a family coterie. My son is only five years old. My brothers live in the village. My wife works in an NGO and my brother-in-law is a businessman. There is no question of a coterie.

How are your relations with two of your contemporaries, Ram Chandra Poudel and Shailaja Acharya?

Ramchandraji and Shailajaji are my good friends but it is not easy for them to support me. Ramchandraji as Girijababu’s deputy prime minister and Shailajaji as his niece cannot easily support me.

How long do you spend each day reading?

I read daily newspapers, weeklies and some books. I enjoy reading the books of J. Krishnamurthy.

Are you reading any new books?

I just finished reading a few books on insurgencies and one on Mao Zedong.

Have you read any books on new political and economic thoughts?

Look, I don't want to confine myself to any political or economic dimension. The

solution to Nepal’s problems lies in a complete understanding of the problems. I don't mean to say that reading books is not essential. But if you don't understand the problems, what is the use of reading them.

You had the opportunity to run the government for 18 months, what achievements do you cite apart from leading a 47-member cabinet?

You can see so many successful stories during my tenure. The Kali Gandaki A project, Modi, Mahakali treaty and Trade Treaty with India were finalized at that time. Karnali project was also in the pipeline. I am proud to claim that nobody has achieved so much success in such a short period.

Then why isn’t anybody talking about your achievements?

Intellectuals are harping on the negative part of my tenure, such as the famous flight of five ministers to Bangkok.

What is your main agenda to win the party election?

Political stability, poverty alleviation, economic prosperity, good governance and social transformation are the major points of my agenda. I want to turn my party into the people's institution. To fulfill such commitments, we need capable and independent workers. Slave-type workers cannot do it.

Are you saying Koirala supporters are slaves?

No, I am just talking about the mentality of some people.

You led a commission to recommend ways to end the Maoist problem. What are your key observations?

Peace is a must for development, poverty alleviation and other things. To achieve peace, violence should be stopped. To stop violence, dialogue is necessary. For dialogue to happen, creation of congenial and trustworthy atmosphere is essential. To guarantee the right to life, peace is imperative.

You say your leaders have sacrificed their whole lives for democracy. How can you call them selfish now?

We respected them too much [in the past that] nobody can talk against them today. But someone has to bell the cat. That is what I am doing.