|
|||
|
|
|||
|
50 YEARS OF DEMOCRACY |
Experiments And Turmoil In the last five decades of democratic experiments, Nepal has seen many highs and lows -- and has committed many mistakes. Despite political instability and turmoil, the country has achieved remarkable progress in the area of political, social and economic transformation. But the overriding challenge still remains the maintenance of the people's faith in the democratic process and fulfilling their growing aspirations By KESHAB POUDEL Life is at a standstill in urban areas because of a strike called by the Nepal Transport Entrepreneurs Federation. The winter session of parliament is stalled by an alliance of opposition parties led by the CPN-UML. Life in the rural parts of the country has been severely hit by a Maoist insurgency that has entered its sixth year.
As Nepal celebrates 50 years of democracy, endemic political turmoil is challenging the very future of the country's democratic institutions. When a sizeable section of the ruling party has joined opposition parties and professional groups in deviating from the normal constitutional process, the very existence of democratic governance comes under question. Moreover, popularly unaccountable bodies like the Commission of Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) are attacking the basic spirit of the constitution by demanding more powers. In this race to concentrate power, these organizations are willfully ignoring the eternal wisdom that authority without popular accountability only breeds authoritarianism. The democratic process is always under threat in Nepal by democratic deficits represented by the unelected and the unaccountable. "Success in constructing a democratic civil society depends on the commitment of the population at large to the democratic ideal, on its active involvement in all aspects of political, social and cultural life, on tolerance of differences combined with respect for majority opinion, as well as on the existence of democratic institutions and wise political leadership," says Federico Mayor, former director-general of UNESCO, in the preface to "Democracy --An Analytical Survey" by Jean Baechler. In the last five decades, Nepal has passed through various stages in transforming itself from a backward nation to a modern state with a democratic constitution and system of governance as well as firm development infrastructure. The history of Nepal's modernization has been full of political instability and turmoil but the country has made long strides from being one of the most remote places of the world to one of the most accessible. The main challenge still remains the stabilization of the political process and achieving economic progress. Although political turmoil always shakes the political process, the country has achieved some notable progress in the areas of building political institutions and economic and social transformation. Whatever the scale of the hostile situation flourishing in the institutions, the country today has solid infrastructure, including schools, health posts, administrative branches in all the 4,000 villages and highways that link the country's east to the west and north to the south. Importantly, a new breed of leadership is coming up through competitive politics at the grass-roots level. Ongoing Political Turmoil If the present political scenario inside parliament and on the street provide any message, it is that instability seems to be the rule of Nepalese politics. As virtually all opposition parties are united in their objective to force Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala to resign, a group of rebels in the ruling party, led by former prime ministers Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Sher Bahadur Deuba, sees this as an opportune time to oust him. Democracy is a system governed by the rule of law. There are constitutional provisions on changing the prime minister and running political institutions. Unfortunately, Nepalese politicians are so desperate for political change that few have patience for the rule of law. Even after a 50-year experience, Nepalis have yet to develop democratic habits. "If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form but also in fact, what must we do? This first thing in my judgment we must do is to hold fast to constitutional methods of achieving our methods of achieving our social and economic objectives. It means that we must abandon the bloody methods of revolution. It means that we must abandon the method of civil disobedience, non-cooperation and satyagraha. Where there was no way left for constitutional methods for achieving social and economic objectives, there was a great deal of justification for unconstitutional methods. But where constitutional methods are open, there can be no justification for these unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and sooner they are abandoned, the better for us," said B.R. Ambedkar, the renowned Indian constitutionalist. Efforts to change governments in short intervals is not a new phenomenon in Nepalese politics. Every prime minister in the last 50 years has been the victim of political turmoil. Following the overthrow of the Rana regime, no prime minister -- whether under absolute monarchy or democratic despotism -- has completed his full term in office. The first thing those in the opposition are desperate about is to replace the prime minister of the day. This goes on to show that Nepalis are unable to distinguish between the failure of the system itself and the failure of the leadership and particular individuals. In the decade following the introduction of democracy, Nepal had almost half a dozen prime ministers. Mohan Sumsher Rana, Matrika Prasad Koirala, Tanka Prasad Acharya, K.I. Singh and Bishweshwor Prasad Koirala held office between 1951 and 1960. Even under the Panchayat system, which presupposed the active leadership of the monarch, no government could complete its full term. Surya Bahadur Thapa, Kirtinidhi Bista, Nagendra Prasad Rijal, Tulsi Giri, Lokendra Bahadur Chand and Marichman Singh Shrestha were replaced one after another, some being primary characters in the political version of musical chairs. The charges against all of them were corruption, inefficiency and nepotism. Whether the system is based on the principles of a sovereign parliament or the centralized structure of an absolute monarchy, political instability and turmoil have remained a bitter reality of life. Are we culturally predisposed to political instability? "If we evaluate the political course between 1951-1960, we find that political leaders were very committed to the stability of the political system. Today's political leaders are more concerned with acquiring power than strengthening democracy and nationalism," said historian Dr. Rajesh Gautam, who has published several books on the evolution of modern Nepalese politics. As Nepal's political leaders have to spend most of their time and energy to hold on to their position, the country's development has always suffered. "If you are always concerned about your political position, when will you start working for the country?" asked an economist. Nepal seems to be one of those few countries which has spent all of their time in search of a workable political system. Nepalis have experimented with all kinds of systems and are still struggling for an answer. Many other countries in the region have long chosen the political mechanism that they think could best attain their people's aspirations. Nepalese leaders have wasted precious time in upholding the interests of a particular political system rather than the interests of the country. Insurgencies In Nepal
Interestingly, all political systems and governments in Nepal have faced various kinds of political insurgencies, except during the first five years after the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990. Many of today's leading political players were once battle-hardened insurgents. Nepali Congress workers have tried everything from seeking to liberate Solukhumbu through armed action to making an attempt on the life of the king. The CPN-ML and Nepal Janbadi Morcha launched violent insurgencies against the Panchayat system. The Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist is in the midst of a 'people's war' against the existing system. The only difference in these insurgencies lies in their violent intensity. Over the last few months, residents of the capital city have endured general strikes called by political parties and witnessed schools disrupted for a full week by student unions. Despite the ample opportunity of transferring power through a democratic and transparent manner, an ingrained culture of conspiracy to gain power continues to dominate the country's politics. 1. Nepali Congress 1961-1962 Economic and Social Progress In economic and social sectors, Nepal has made some significant progress. Although the pace has been too slow, Nepal has also gained success in the process of institution building. The extent of the turmoil and experiments is evident from the fact that the country has seen four constitutions under two political systems. When democracy was introduced five decades ago following the overthrow of the Rana regime, Nepal did not have any kind of institution to sustain the power of the people. The literacy rate was under two percent and only 376 kilometers of rough vehicle tracks existed in the valley and the Terai. Electricity was virtually non-existent and food supply was very limited. There were only 321 primary schools, 11 secondary schools and one technical college. Life expectancy was 26 years and health facilities were rare. In the absence of grass-roots-level political institutions, it was always difficult to build roads, hospitals, schools and drinking water systems. "Everyone who has travelled in the rural areas of Nepal is astonished to find such poor transport systems consisting of foot trails only. There is virtually no transport system in the rural areas of Nepal. Only a few trails have just been created gradually, where people were walking," said Toni Hagen in his book Observations on Certain Aspects of Economic and Social Developmental Problems in Nepal, 1959. "The economic pattern of Nepal is unique as far as the 8.4 million people of the country live in the same ways as they did several hundreed years ago.... The administration in the countryside, in our sense of word, is simply non-existent. Out of the 10 wireless stations which were established some years ago, eight are out of order now." There have been remarkable changes in the transport sector. Roads link 62 of the 75 districts of the country. More than 400 MW of hydropower is generated within the country, over 10 million people are literate and four universities have produced 200,000 graduates. There are 37,397 schools with more than 5.2 million students. Basic health services are available in all the Village Development Committees. "There has been economic transformation but the climate conducive for the economic development is yet to be achieved," said Dr. Bishwakeshar Maskey, professor of economics at Tribhuvan University. "We are yet to formulate a strategic vision for the development of the country." Growth of Institutions Fifty years ago when Nepal opened up to the outside world along with a new democratic regime, the situation of the country was pathetic and, from today's vantage point, unimaginable. Growth of the independent judiciary is one of the important achievements of the five decades of democratic experiments. Nepal has now three levels of judiciary. To maintain law and order and carry out day-to-day administrative works, district administrations have been opened up in all 75 districts. The introduction of decentralization helped to transfer authority to the district level. These efforts at institution building helped to unify Nepal. Although the organization of the political parties is as old as the democratic process, they are yet to shape with the democratic values. Following the restoration of democracy, all major political parties have held their conventions but defeated factions have not accepted the verdict of the party organization. The CPN-UML and the RPP suffered splits as the losing factions refused to accept the election results. The Nepali Congress is not free from such controversies, either, as Bhattarai and Deuba are yet to reconcile with the verdict of the recent party convention. Despite these distortions, political parties have been developing in an institutionalized manner. More than 4,000 political institutions are now working throughout the country, penetrating once impregnable rural areas. Administration, highway and communication networks link the country from the east to west and north to south. Had Nepal been successful in accelerating its economic growth, the situation obviously would have been much better. Helpless prime minister One key reason for the flaws in the system is that over the last 10 years, the prime minister's authority has been curtailed through court decisions. Controlling corruption is a prime duty of the prime minister, but he does not have the authority to keep his own ministers and party MPs in check because of the curtailment of his prerogative to dissolve parliament and call fresh elections.
Powerful slogans support the development of a healthy political process. But when slogans remain restricted to rhetoric, people get alienated from the process. Opportunities have been missed because the country has spent time and resources in a ritual of sloganeering while politics has represented little more than trial and error. Countries that started out with greater disadvantages than Nepal's have left us far behind in the development race. The current national mood of gloom also mirrors the fact that Nepalis have not been able to reconcile with the polity of the country. Sizeable groups on the left and the right are still searching for alternatives to the present system. "No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government, except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time," Winston S. Churchill once said. As it is a philosophy as well as a collection of practices accumulated through time and experience, democracy cannot be achieved rapidly. This is particularly so in countries that are emerging from decades of totalitarian or authoritarian rule. Changes in human attitudes are less easily accomplished than the remodelling of the political structure. "Democracy is an extremely slow process whereas development in economic as well as technocratic terms can be achieved very fast. A capable leadership can bring out tremendous results in a very short period but that miracle is not possible in democratic process," said senior advocate Ganesh Raj Sharma. "Had there been mature political institutions, things would have worked almost in automation. Had there been very capable and dedicated leadership, the situation, too, would have different. Despite lacunas in institutions, things could have been much better. But, unfortunately, Nepal lacks both," Sharma said. The road has not been an easy one. The making of the first democratic constitution faced years of delays amid political uncertainty and controversy. The constitution of 1958 was promulgated under a Royal proclamation and the model was based upon the Westminster style of parliamentary democracy. Sir Ivor Jennings, an outstanding constitutional expert of his time, was the architect of the constitution behind the scenes. Considering the institution of the monarchy and the unitary form of government, it was most suitable to Nepal's condition and situation. More than a year and a half of practice introduced the people to constitutional practices and methodologies. The king, the prime minister and parliament performed their roles in keeping with the core provisions of the constitution. Recent publications of two very important biographical books -- by B.P. Koirala and by K.P. Bhattarai -- testify to the genius of the politicians of that time. But some mysterious political development put enormous powers into the hand of the king and put the prime minister in prison. The experience of the last five decades has shown that the introduction of democracy is a complex process which involves more than mere political transformation. The two major forces -- the traditional monarchy and modernizing democratic forces -- have always remain suspicious of one another, and the country has faced unpredictable situations. Confrontation between the two forces had seriously hampered the process of building the institutions and improving the economic conditions. The constitution promulgated to establish a partyless democracy failed to bring politicians of opposite convictions into its fold. So the constitution always remained in an abnormal adjustments with heterogenous forces. In a very difficult situation of balancing Nepal's relations between India and China and between two emerging forces of the Cold War -- the United States and the Soviet Union -- the political changes of 1990 took place. Decades-long confrontation of the monarchy with democratic forces came to an end by this change and a new era of constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy began. But the country, handicapped by its size and location, could not run the process smoothly. Once again, the system is under a threat almost everyone can perceive but few can exactly define. The constitution and all institutions within it seem to be facing a new kind of challenges to their survival. The judiciary is becoming more assertive and press freedom is now a strong feature of society. Critics of previous system have overlooked the democratic foundations that were laid then. Behind what is described as a dark patch in the country's democratic history lie some of the seeds of democratic behavior. The growth of leadership from the grassroots was started during the Panchayat system. More than 4,000 local bodies units of self-governance were institutionalized during that period of partyless politics. It was that 'undemocratic' system which taught the basic rights of voting to the common citizens and encouraged them to choose their own leaders. Nepal has committed many mistakes in the past 50 years while learning the values and ideals of a modern political system. The inherent tendencies of some sections are not compatible with modern political systems. Whenever a political system tries to evolve, intellectuals promote anarchy in different forms and pave the way for the emergence of an authoritarian ruler. In recent years, the question of corruption has become one of the major banes of public life in Nepal. It is necessary to take more effective means to deal with this growing menace. At the same time, leaders have to guard against the emergence of anti-democratic or totalitarian structures. In our warped vision of empowering institutions -- as in the case of the CIAA -- we are losing sight of the abuse a concentration of power without accountability can foster. If people start thinking that a police state can curb corruption, then what is the role of an evolutionary political process. "Everybody wants to be a Jung Bahadur in Nepal whenever he or she is in position to exercise authority," said advocate Bharat Raj Upreti in an article 'Suru Na Anta'. It is wrong to say that everything is green and fertile because that situation ultimately helps to formulate negative pictures about Nepal. Comparing the situation with other parts of South Asia, Nepal is yet peaceful and harmonious and congenial to the success of democracy as well as economic development. If a little bit of sympathy and understanding is given to these realities by its two neighbors, Nepal has the potentiality to speed up development and improve the quality of the people's lives. After a firm network of roads is built, businesses and transportation operated by the private sector would help improve quality of life. Twenty years back deforestation was the main political issue. The hills and lands of the country have been made green today by the support of friendly donor countries. The country's literacy rate is not very high, but the attitude of the people toward sending their children to school is a sufficient indicator that illiteracy can be removed if it is properly managed. People know the future is going to be very competitive. So there is tremendous pressure on politicians not to interfere in education. The Nepalese people have vastly improved their health care options, their educational and literacy services and the contributions of Nepal's women to their communities and their nation. Despite the challenges offered by remote villages, and a rugged and diverse topography, Nepal's accomplishments have been remarkable. In terms of infrastructure, Nepal has made tremendous improvements. 1951 2001 1. Literacy 2 percent 40 percent The current parliament is made up of all kinds of political leaders who have played a role in the democratization process of the country. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and former prime minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai represents an older generation of modernizers. Main opposition leader Madhav Kumar Nepal embodies the second generation. Then there are people like Surya Bahadur Thapa, a luminary of the previous system. After the restoration of multiparty democracy, power was shifted from aristocrats to the people. Somewhere along the road, things took a different turn somewhere and a new aristocracy is emerging. The experiment of the first 50 years was painful and full of turmoil. But that doesn't detract from the challenge to stabilize the democratic process to fulfill the growing aspirations of the people over the next 50 years. |
| Coverstory
| Parliament | Purnagiri
| Health | Interview
| Transport
Strike | |
Send your feedback to the
editor: spotligh@mos.com.np |
