NATIONAL 4 - (Spotlight Weekly)

'We Are Ready To Face Elections Under An All-Party Government'

— MADHAV KUMAR NEPAL

CPN-UML general secretary and main opposition leader MADHAV KUMAR NEPAL is working to bring all opposition parties on a single platform. In the process, he has held several rounds of consultations with leaders of other opposition parties in parliament and those outside. As the government and Maoists prepared to resume peace talks, Nepal spoke to KESHAB POUDEL at his residence in Satdobato on major national issues. Nepal, who has been leading his party for most of the period after the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990, seems to be preparing for snap elections. Excerpts from the half-hour conversation.

How do you evaluate the current political situation?

The situation is bleak and uncertain. Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba's government has proved inefficient and incompetent in its first 100 days. The law-and-order situation is gradually worsening and the economy is heading toward collapse. As you know, Deubaji is just like a lump of flesh with no mobility. He is primarily concerned with retaining his post. What can we expect from him? I don't believe the Nepali Congress government has the will to tackle the major issues before the nation.

Was it the non-performance of the government that prompted you to call for fresh elections?

What I meant is that if somebody fails to run the government, he must quit in favor of an alternative. What is the rationale of remaining in power without being able to deliver the results you promised? Every party and individual wants to go to power to do something to the country and people. This government is doing nothing except wasting time and resources for personal interests. I have opposed the ineffectiveness of the government. If you lose relevance and the government is non-functional, the people have the right to decide.

You mean elections?

We are ready to face elections, but they must be held under an all-party government. If we evolve such a system, nobody would have to harbor misgivings about the electoral process. We will announce our formal decision in due course. National decisions must be taken on the basis of the wishes of the people. We believe the country cannot be run in the way it is being run today. The country is demanding a new direction.

If there were an agreement to form an all-party government, would you be ready for elections?

We do not have the authority to announce elections. But we are ready to test our mandate among the people if it is required. In two rounds of meetings, all opposition parties shared the concern that this government has failed to show efficiency and has lost its utility. The participating parties also condemned the activities of the Maoists. We also discussed the prospect of fresh elections, forming an all-party government and other burning national issues. Some parties want fresh elections and others are in favor of an all-party government that would include the Maoists. We have also been discussing the matter within our own party.

What is your stand on the current debate on the constitution?

We are in favor of amending the constitution. As you know, the constitution itself has made clear provisions for amendments. Therefore, discussions on amending the constitution should not be a matter of undue anxiety to anyone. There are many lapses in the constitution and we want to correct them.

What are the specific lapses and how are they obstructing democratic governance?

There are many lapses as the constitution was prepared 12 years ago. For instance, there is confusion over the rights of the prime minister, the Constitutional Council and the anti-corruption body. Most importantly, we need to provide constitutional guarantees to local bodies.

But two senior Nepali Congress leaders have said it is too early to amend the constitution. How do you view their comments?

I don't agree with them. There is always a possibility to amend the constitution if there are loopholes. For instance, there is a need to re-establish the right of the prime minister, to clarify the role of the Constitutional Council, to strengthen anti-corruption bodies and so on. I don't understand what is wrong in taking a course that is specified in the constitution.

The people in charge of state institutions will remain the same even after the constitution is amended. How can the rewriting or revising of certain provisions in the basic law alone change things?

We are not like citizens of the United States or the United Kingdom. We are Nepalis who have our own customs and traditions. If we are able to rewrite key provisions in the constitution in keeping with these realities, it will definitely bring change. For instance, we ask drivers not to park in the wrong side but they have been doing so. If you enact legislation forbidding such parking, people will be compelled to follow it. I want similar provisions in the constitution.

There is always the possibility of amending the constitution through implementation and interpretation. Why you are insisting on a formal amendment?

I don't think the constitution can be amended thorough interpretations. Some people are calling for patience. Twelve years have passed since the promulgation of the constitution. How longer do we have to be patient? In a situation where a strong group is demanding a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution, we can show that many things can be improved by amendments within the system. There is no need for such an assembly. The present constitution was the result of a long struggle by the people. The right way now is to start an honest and healthy debate on improving the constitution.

Is there any guarantee that a constitutional amendment can bring desired results?

Every country has its own traditions. If there are lapses, we must go for amendment. Let's start discussions on identifying what articles we need to amend.

You have been in the top leadership position of your party for most of the past 12 years. How do you evaluate the role of political parties, including your own?

I have been working as general secretary of the party since May 1993. This is my ninth year as general secretary. I have been in the party politburo for the last 12 years, since the unification of the party. If we see the history of the CPN-ML, I was one of the founder members of the party and elected as a politburo member when it was formed in 1978. This is my 24th year in politics with the CPN-UML. Actually, we set up a Coordination Center in 1975 as an organized party. I have spent more than 30 years in the communist party, having secured membership in 1969. Since joining the revolutionary party, I have seen many of our colleagues leave the party and some even sidelined from it. In my experience, it is very difficult to continue in the party. There are only a few persons like myself who continue to be in same party for such a long time. In my career as a communist worker, I have maintained my sincerity and commitment to the cause of communism.

How difficult is it to run a party?

Running a party with a nation-wide network is very challenging. In an open atmosphere, it is sometimes very difficult to lead the party organization, which has units in the ward level. Our party has a wide range of workers in the grass-roots level. It is very difficult to expand the party organization, increase membership and attract workers from other party. Transforming the mind-set of common people who are mostly attuned to a feudalistic culture is another challenging task. Another difficult task is to put a man or woman within a party's culture and ideology. I can proudly claim that, comparatively speaking, there is no organized, systematic and disciplined party like the CPN-UML in Nepal. Our party has the capability to embody the interests of different groups. We are strong because of discipline and united because of our cause and principles.

How do you assess the Maoist problem?

The Maoists have already killed 38 of our workers. But we still think the problem is political in nature, but their activities expose them as extremists. They have killed honest and capable comrades of ours. Extremists always consider other political forces as rivals and they don't want to recognize opposition. They are very intolerant. The Maoists want to establish a one-party authoritarian system. This is a force that does not believe in rationality. Nobody can feel safe by backing the Maoists. Political parties, journalists and many other sections of society have faced the consequences of backing the Maoists.

Your party also started building itself through violence. How do you see the spread of the Maoist 'people's war'?

It is important to know who is behind the movement. I don't want to go into details here. In Nepalese society, there is a section of people who want immediate change. When they fail to see their demands being fulfilled, such groups of people led the voice of discontent. The frustration and anger is also a result of the inefficiency of the Nepali Congress government. When people lose their faith in the government, such violence is inevitable. When the government tries to discourage the use of peaceful means of protest and resorts to oppression, people will automatically react. When there is no option for peaceful means, the violence preached by the Maoists becomes appealing. Nepalese society is mainly a petty bourgeois society and lack of patience is one of the characteristics of such society. A group wants quick results. Their anger is for a short-lived but it is so powerful. It quickly heats with high power. Once it cools down, it will hardly absorb any temperature.

Do you see any threat to the CPN-UML?

The CPN-UML is not a temporary party but one that expects to remain forever in the service of the people and country. Our party wishes to survive for a long time with full strength and energy. Many parties that evolve over a short time are also dismantled very quickly. Over the long term, there is no place for parties that emerge quickly. We have two tendencies in any group. One wants to move rapidly while the other seeks to go slow and steady. We want to attain comfortable speed with total command of the steering wheel. We adopt our ways considering the global trend. We want to move ahead with determination. One of the reasons behind the upsurge of the Maoist movement is the non-delivery of the Nepali Congress government. The Maoists have used rampant corruption, politicization of institutions and Congressization in the bureaucracy as the ground to wage violence.

Some intellectuals and politicians are accusing the ruling and main opposition parties of creating the present mess. How do you respond?

We are not responsible for this situation, as we were in power for only nine months out of the last 12 years. Such accusations are just a way of shifting responsibility to another party that has nothing to do with mismanagement and rampant corruption. If the same standard is applied, what is the role of the press? What is the role of intellectuals? It makes no sense to blame others. The party in power must accept responsibility for non-performance. If the captain of the plane cannot take command, how can you blame the co-pilot? The Nepali Congress is commanding the aircraft and we are like the co-pilot. If you consider our nine-month rule, it was one of the greatest eras in Nepalese history.

True, the Nepali Congress has secured majorities in two general elections. But how can you evade responsibility as leader of the main opposition party, who is regarded as the "shadow prime minister" in a parliamentary system?

Don't get confused by these theoretical terms. I am not a "shadow prime minister" at all. This term can only be used for intellectual exercise. If you see the experience of the last three years, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai's shadow prime minister was Girija Prasad Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba appeared as the shadow prime minister of Koirala.

But in parliamentary practice, the person sitting to the right of the prime minister is regarded as the head of the government in waiting. Don't you agree?

Theoretically, you may be right. But when our voice goes unheard and when there is no respect for such practices from the party in power, how can you call me the shadow prime minister?

What option do you have then?

We have two options. We can follow the model of Bangladesh and boycott parliament or trade blows with ministers inside parliament. Do you think these are proper ways? We are trying to stay clear of the extremes. We have been trying to convince the people in a different way.

But your party also launched a street agitation, sit-ins and other disruptive activities to pressure then- prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala to resign. You led other opposition parties in boycotting the entire winter session of parliament.

We have always set limits on political propriety. When the prime minister involved in a scandal refused to take moral responsibility, we had no other option. Moreover, our activities were peaceful. Although Koirala resigned following our pressure, many intellectuals criticized us for taking such a harsh course. Some intellectuals always criticize us no matter what we do. When we registered a motion of no-confidence, they criticized us. When we lent support to the positive decisions of the government, the same people criticized us for joining hands with the ruling party. I would love to know what they want us to do.

What is the responsibility of the main opposition party?

If government fail to deliver the goods, the extreme right and extreme left will try to exploit public disgruntlement. As you know, the government is wholly responsible for delivering the goods. Of course, we may also have some weaknesses but the primary duty falls on the government to provide efficient administration and other mechanisms for delivery. Unless the government acts, the opposition alone cannot do anything. We have already proved during our nine-month tenure that ours is the only party that can give an honest and efficient administration. I can personally claim that our party is clean. If someone can prove that our party is corrupt, we are ready to face any kind of punishment.

But your party was accused of corruption when it shared power with the Rastriya Prajatantra Party a few years ago.

As you know, those who were with us at that time are no longer with the CPN-UML. I again claim that ours is the cleanest party in the country. I would challenge anyone to show any evidence of corruption against our ministers during our nine-month government. We have been able maintain a clean image through our action and vision. We have not taken unlawful donations. We have not taken money through inappropriate means.

You don't collect donations?

We collect donations from time to time, but we have never forced business organizations or businessmen to pay up. We have set limits in terms of fund-raising. Our party has a strong committee system that audits out accounts. Our party operates on a transparent system.

If this is so, then why were so many of your senior party colleagues defeated in the election? Don't you think voters are more aware than political parties are?

Yes, voters are mature enough to reward and punish politicians based on their record, but most of our candidates lost because of rigging by the Nepali Congress.

What impact will the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States have on Nepal?

We have already condemned the terrorist attacks of September 11. No rational human being can support such dastardly acts. Terrorism in any form is condemnable. But we must also understand the root causes of terrorism. There is a need to eliminate terrorism, but one cannot justify the killing of innocent people in the name of wiping out terrorism. Rational thinking is needed before any action against terrorism is taken. Nepal is in a very vulnerable position as it lies between India and China. Before taking a decision on allowing a third country to use our land and airspace, we should have considered the broader national perspective. The decision of the government to permit US planes to refuel in Nepal was highly immature.