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COVER STORY |
STATE OF
EMERGENCY As the Maoist rebels unleash a fresh wave of terror across the country and target the army for the first time, the government declares a nation-wide state of emergency. The belated move, which some call an over-reaction, highlights the gravity of the situation and exposes the weaknesses of the security agencies. But the unanswered question is: despite growing international opinion against terrorism, why did the Maoists choose a suicidal course and at whose behest? By BHAGIRATH YOGI Forty-eight hours after the deadly attacks by the Maoists in western districts of Syangja and Dang, among others, killing nearly 40 people (See Box), including 23 policemen and 14 soldiers, the government in Kathmandu was still considering options and modalities available to it to counter the growing Maoist violence. At around the same time, hundreds of Maoist guerrillas were on their `adventurousí mission to capture Salleri, the district headquarters of the beautiful eastern mountainous district of Solukhumbu, the gateway to the Everest region. At the end of a nearly six-hour-long battle, 27 policemen, half a dozen soldiers and couple of senior government officers, including Chief District Officer Buddhi Sagar Tripathi, had been killed. As in Dang, most of the government offices, including the district court, had been destroyed and burnt down by the insurgents, two local bank branches looted and documents burnt. Despite their ëheroic feat,í the casualties on the part of the rebels were no less staggering. The dead bodies of around 50 rebels were discovered the next morning and authorities said at least dozens of others might have been killed during their over-night encounter with the army and police.
Upon his return from religious trip to the Ram Janaki temple in Janakpurdham, King Gyanendra granted audience to Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba late Monday (Nov. 26). The same evening, he endorsed the recommendation made by the Council of Ministers to declare a state of emergency throughout the kingdom. During its extended meetings over three days, the Council of Ministers okayed the proposal to declare the Maoist insurgents as terrorists. It also endorsed an anti-terrorist ordinance, promulgated by King Gyanendra on Monday, which gives sweeping powers to the security agencies to launch sustained and decisive action against the terrorists. Less than a week back, chairman of the CPN (Maoist), Comrade Prachanda, had issued a statement saying that there was no longer any justification for the on-going government-Maoist talks and the nearly four-month-long cease-fire. In his statement, Prachanda alias Pushpa Kamal Dahal asserted that his partyís efforts to establish peace had been rendered unsuccessful due to the conspiracy of the ëimperialist and reactionary forces.í Though he did not name those forces, it could be understood that the Maoist leader was pointing toward the United States as imperialist and the royal palace as reactionary. Prachandaís statement was no less than a bombshell for Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, who had rode to power only four months ago pledging a peaceful settlement of the insurgency through talks with the Maoists. Deubaís aides, however, continued to hope that the Maoist leader did not mean what he said and would not ask his rebels to break the informal truce. But as soon as the Maoist guerrillas launched well-coordinated attacks Friday night on army, police and other government installations in Dang, Syangja and Surkhet districts, security agencies found themselves caught off-guard. So was Prime Minister Deuba. His relentless emphasis on the resolution of the problem through talks had been shattered at once. "I have been betrayed (by the Maoists)," said Deuba, at a public function on Sunday. "Now, I will not relent and do whatever is necessary to defeat the insurgents." As the Deuba-led government sat idle for four long months, hoping peace to prevail on its own, the Maoist rebels had a field day in re-grouping their cadres, recruiting and training new ones, raising forced donations and taking revenge against anyone who they thought did not toe their line.
Despite severe criticism from the opposition, the government would not take any measures to provide law and order in the country. Instead, it agreed to release 69 Maoist rebels and withdraw the Public Security Regulation only to persuade the Maoist negotiators to sit for the third round of talks earlythis month. Government negotiators taking part in the talks say the rebels were never serious in the three rounds of talks that took place over the last three months. From Godavari Resort to Bardia and back to Godavari, the Maoist negotiators deliberately chose to highlight the points of difference with the government rather than trying to negotiate on other ësoft issues.í In the latest round of talks, the Maoists said they had decided to drop their demand for making Nepal a republic but insisted that they would not agree at anything less than elections to a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution and form an interim government. "Now the ball is in the governmentís court," said chief Maoist negotiator Krishna Bahadur Mahara after coming out of the third round of talks on November 12. Analysts say there was asymmetry at the level of negotiators too. "While the government side was headed by high level policymakers, the Maoist side was represented by a lower level. It seemed that the Maoists negotiators did not have clear guidelines and were confused," said Dr. Panna Kaji Amatya, professor of political science at Tribhuvan University. "The Deuba government had shown utmost sincerity (to find a peaceful solution) but there was a lack of consensus and honesty on the part of the Maoists." Amid growing pressure from his own party and the opposition, Prime Minister Deuba had promised that he would try his best to convene a fourth round of talks. As predicted by SPOTLIGHT, that never happened. Nine days after the third round of talks, the Maoists unilaterally withdrew from the truce and two days later launched massive assaults against the security forces. Power Struggle Within the Maoists At a time when there is an almost unanimous global opinion against terrorism, what might have led the Maoists ó who had emerged as a major political force in the country over the last six years through sheer violence ó to choose, what many believe, would be a suicidal course. Sources said growing dissension within the Maoist party was mainly responsible for their turning back to armed insurrection. While party chairman Prachanda and politburo member Dr. Baburam Bhattarai were said to be in favor of a negotiated settlement and joining mainstream politics, chief of the ëpeopleís militiaí Comrade Badal or Ram Bahadur Thapa and one of the seniormost Maoist leaders, Mohan Vaidya, were reportedly in favor of continuing the ëpeopleís war.í After the Thapa-Vaidya duo backed Dr. Bhattarai, the power equation within the underground party started to change. To cut military strategist Thapa and company to size, Prachanda announced the formation of ëPeopleís Liberation Armyí (PLA) and declared himself its supreme commander. Dr. Bhattarai was appointed convenor of the 37-member ëJoint Revolutionary Peopleís Council Nepal (JRPCN), central ad-hoc committeeíó dubbed as the parallel, central level ëpeopleís government.í The rapid expansion of the partyís base, collection of billions of rupee through daring raids and extortion and entry of criminals in its fold had, to a great extent, diluted the `militant and revolutionary characterí of the Maoist party, said critics. In their strongholds in mid-western hills and other parts of the country, the Maoist cadres were running a parallel administration and courts and forcing people to obey them at gunpoint. With the availability of easy money, their lifestyle had also changed. To change all this, and protect his own supremacy in the party that had adopted `Prachanda Path,í as the guiding philosophy, Comrade Prachanda had, perhaps, no other way but to send his troops on ëmilitary actions.í The Maoist cadres were very critical of their party leadershipís decision to drop the demand for a republic state ó the cause for which hundreds of their comrades had lost their lives. Moreover, the central meeting of the party at Kureli, Rolpa in September this year had instructed the party leadership that the Maoist cadres would accept nothing less than a constituent assembly. Even then, why did a sharp strategist like Prachanda and Dr. Bhattarai ó who quickly changed and tried to re-adjust their strategies in the aftermath of the Royal Palace massacre on June 1 ó choose to send their guerrillas to fight with the army? Analysts say the Maoist leadership may have thought of adopting the strategy of ëtalksí and ëmilitary actioní simultaneously or pressuring the government to accede to their demand for a constituent assembly by exhibiting their guerrilla force. As usual, they would still tryto play a game of `divide and ruleí between the political establishment and security agencies and remain elusive. In the aftermath of the US war against terrorism in Afghanistan and top Indian government official declaring them as a terrorist group, the best option for the Maoists would have been to prolong the talks, conserve their power and wait for an opportune moment, say analysts. But they did not. This means that there is much more than meets the eye. External Dimension "Nobody plays an apparently losing game," says Prof. Amatya. "There must be an external force behind the Maoists which sent them on a suicidal mission." Those looking at the origin, growth and present state of the Maoist party argue that it is into a clandestine operation. "The Maoists have nothing to do with Maoism or Communism," said a noted political analyst, on condition of anonymity. "Code-named Maoist ëpeopleís war,í it is nothing more than an operation launched by a foreign military intelligence in the Nepali territory in view of the growing power struggle in this part of the world." After his failed bid to mobilize the Royal Nepalese Army to rescue nearly 70 policemen abducted by the Maoists from Holeri, Rolpa earlier this year, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala resigned from his post. During his farewell statement, the septuagenarian leader and four-time prime minister said the Maoist insurgency was not only targeted against the countryís democracy and constitution but also against Nepalís national security. After the massacre of policemen at Dunai last year, then Home Minister Govinda Raj Joshi resigned from his post accusing the Royal Nepalese Army of not cooperating to fight the rebels. But the Royal Nepalese Army chose to look the other way until the Maoist rebels drove within one of their barracks in mid-western Nepal in the dark of the night, said critics. Within hours, the Defense Ministry issued a statement saying that "the Maoists were an anti-national force and they were out to erode the national sovereignty of the country and democracy attained through the sacrifices made by the people, and impose an autocratic regime at gunpoint." After September 11, 2001, things have changed a lot around the world. So have the definitions of terrorism and national security. As the major global powers start their games in South Asia, small, land-locked countries like Nepal find it hard to protect their legitimate interests. It is but natural that the flare-up of violence in Nepal is of utmost concern for its immediate neighbors, India and China. Though the two Asian giants had not commented on the latest wave of violence in this Himalayan kingdom till Tuesday, western democratic governments were quick to condemn the Maoists. In a statement issued Monday, the US Embassy in Kathmandu said it strongly condemned the recent actions by the Maoists and called on them to achieve their goals through peaceful means by remaining within the
framework of the present constitution. "The US government fully supports the Nepalese governmentís efforts to protect its civilians and officials by remaining within the bounds of the constitution," the statement said. The head of Mission of the European Union in Kathmandu also condemned the recent acts of violence in the severest term and called upon Maoists to desist at once from all acts of violence and intimidation and return to search for a negotiated outcome. In New York, United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan expressed his deep concerns about the flare-up of violence in Nepal. After the famous Siliguri tete a tete with other communist leaders, it became clear that top Maoist leaders, including Prachanda, enjoyed safe haven on Indian territory. But after Indian Foreign Minister Jaswant Singhís statement declaring Nepali Maoists as terrorists, the Indian government decided to deploy its nearly 10,000 soldiers along the Nepal-India border to check cross-border terrorism, among others. West Bengal state police also started conducting raids on hideouts of the Nepalese Maoists, who are said to have very good connections with other Maoist groups operating in India. The recent seizure of huge cache of explosives at Kapilvastu ó brought in a passenger bus from New Delhi ó proves that the Maoists still have their supply lines open. "The Kapilvastu incident showed that the Indian soil is being used in aid of terrorists in Nepal. So the government should immediately hold talks with the Indian government in this regard," said a front-page editorial in Kantipur daily Tuesday. "As part of the global campaign against terrorist, the international community will support Nepalís latest initiative because the Maoists are terrorists and they have stood against democracy, civil rights, human rights and development." State of Emergency Though the opposition parties have expressed reservations on the issue of supporting the governmentís decision to declare emergency, they have reiterated that it is the duty of the government to maintain law and order in the country at any cost. But analysts say declaring a nation-wide emergency may have been made in haste. "Though there had been an escalation of violence (over the last few days) emergency is not declared in a democratic system unless there is a national calamity. Though nobody will protest the governmentís right to use coercive instruments to control violence, questions could be raised on whether a nation-wide emergency was essential." said Prof. Dhruba Kumar, a security analyst at Tribhuvan Universityís Center for Nepal and Asian Studies. "The government could have used its security apparatus even without declaring an emergency. Instead of taking the people and security forces into confidence in order to isolate the Maoists, it seems that the government took this decision in a haste and with insecure mindset." Nepali academics and human rights activists are equally worried about the possibilities of misuse of authorities by the security personnel during their campaign against Maoists. Citing the declaration of emergency by Indira Gandhi in India in 1975, Prof. Kapil Shrestha, a member of the National Human Rights Commission, recalls that once an emergency is declared, it may have very far-reaching consequences. "Emergency is like a radical surgery, the scars of which are bound to remain. An emergency addiction could also develop. So, the government must move cautiously and should not curtail the peopleís fundamental rights under any pretext," said Prof. Shrestha. A highly disciplined and professional force, Royal Nepalese Army is facing a real challenge to quell the insurgency on the home front. But the history of insurgencies around the world show that use of military power alone canít contain insurgency in an effective manner. As long as terrorist outfits find poor and unemployed youths as their recruits willing to risk their lives for an abstract cause, no military can contain the rebellion. The solution perhaps lies in creation of an equitable and just society envisaged by the countryís democratic constitution ó against which the Maoist rebellion is targeted. Twelve years after the restoration of democracy, the political leadership and the countryís democratic polity are facing their greatest challenge. Will peace be restored and at what cost? Only time will tell. MAOIST ATTACKS After breaking the truce unilaterally, the Maoists mount daring raids in Dang and Syangja districts Last Friday (Nov. 23), local residents at Tribhuvan Nagar, Ghorahi had little imagination of what was in store for them that night. As the evening approached, hundreds of people from faraway places started entering the town-- district headquarters of Dang. Within a couple of hours, Maoist guerrillas had reached the towns in around one dozen buses from nearby districts of Rolpa and Pyuthan. But the local administration was simply unaware.
Little before mid-night, hundreds of Maoist guerrillas under the command of Comrade Pasang simultaneously opened fire at District Police Office, District Administration Office, official residence of Chief District Officer, District Forest Office, Bhagvati Prasad Company of the Royal Nepalese Army, among others. In half an hour, the police had surrendered. Another squad of the Maoists daringly entered the barrack on a hijacked police van and proceeded directly to the court-guard, where the sophisticated weapons were stored. They shot dead Major Naresh Upreti and other soldiers who resisted. Their comrades had already surrounded the barrack and opening fire relentlessly. The soldiers fought bravely for a couple of hours but had to give up later. They had lost 14 of their colleagues-- first-ever army casualty in six years in the Maoist attacks. The rebels then took away three truck-loads of weapons to northern district of Rolpa. The rebels killed five policemen during their attacks at Ilaka Police Office at Narayanpur, 10 kms west of Ghorahi. They also looted around 100 million rupees in cash, gold and jewelry from local branches of Nepal Bank Limited, Rastriya Banijya Bank and Agriculture Development Bank. They abducted Chief District Officer Lok Bahadur Khatri who was later released. Two civilians were killed during the Maoist attacks. In western district of Syangja, hundreds of Maoist rebels stormed the district headquarters at around same time Friday night. Major government offices were destroyed in the Maoist attacks. Over a dozen policemen lost their lives fighting the insurgents. The rebels set free inmates after raiding prisons in Dang and Syangja districts. In mid-western district of Surkhet, rebels set fire on a private helicopter belonging to Asian Airlines. Sometime back, they had set on fire a private helicopter owned by Air Ananya. Lack of intelligence gathering by the security agencies and lack of coordination among them has been blamed mainly for the overpowering of even an army barrack by the rebels. The army top brass is said to be worried mainly about the seizure of powerful automatic weapons in huge quantity by the Maoists. The army has already launched operations to recover the weapons and disarm the rebels, reports said. |
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