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Vol. 21 :: No. 16
THE NATIONAL NEWSMAGAZINE
Oct 12 - Oct 18 ,
2001.

WAR AGAINST TERRORISM


Steadfast Sentiments Of Support

Following the US and British air attacks on Al Qaeda training camps andTaliban military positions in Afghanistan, the situation in most South Asian nations is tense. Almost all segments of the population, however, seem to support the US-led campaign. Despite opposition from communist outfits and a small number of Muslim groups, Nepal does not have too much to worry about right now. If the war is prolonged, however, one cannot rule out unpredictable spill-over effects

By KESHAB POUDEL 

A moderate-intensity earthquake in Afghanistan, a distant neighbor but a member of the Hindu Kush family, sends tremors all the way to Nepal. Political turmoil and other upheaval in that land-locked mountainous country, too, send periodic jolts into Nepal.

The expansion of terrorist networks and the strong presence of militants in Afghanistan in the end will bring negative consequences for Nepal. If terrorist forces trained inside Afghanistan can hit a country like the United States thousands of mile away, the threats to a small South Asian nation are obviously more direct.

This is why Nepalis from all communities condemned the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York City and on the Pentagon and rallied behind the US-led anti-terrorism coalition. Nepalis, who felt a great sense of shock in the aftermath of attacks on the United States, approve the aerial bombardments on suspected terrorist camps and Taliban military facilities.

Mosque in Kathmandu : For non-violence
Mosque in Kathmandu : For non-violence

The military operations against the Taliban regime were not unexpected. Had Kabul handed over Saudi-born millionaire Osama bin Laden, who Washington holds responsible for the September 11 attacks and a string of earlier deadly assaults on US facilities and interests overseas, the West would not have had to go inside Afghanistan. As members of the community of democratic nations, Western leaders took nearly a month to investigate the attacks and find credible evidence of the involvement of the Bin Laden network. Despite growing public pressure for immediate retaliatory action against those who helped to carry out the devastating attacks, the United States and other democratic governments knew they had to find conclusive evidence of Al Qaeda's complicity before launching a military response.

Aware of the lasting impact terrorism has on various facets of the nation's life and economy, the Nepalese government promptly threw its full support behind the US-led strikes against terrorist camps inside Afghanistan. "His Majesty's Government of Nepal expresses its support for the United States and the international coalition in their initiatives and actions against terrorism, as it is a threat to international peace and security. There is a need for international cooperation to root out terrorism in all its forms and facets," a Ministry of Foreign Affairs statement said.

Among political parties, however, there are clear divisions over the US-led attacks on Afghanistan. Although some left parties raised the voices against air strikes, a large number of common people, religious groups and major political parties sided with the United State's declared move to eradicate terrorism from the world. Being a small and landlocked country, Nepal requires peace for economic development. Following the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, Nepal's major economic sectors, including tourism, have suffered a major setback. The sooner normalcy returns, the better for Nepal.

"Events in Afghanistan will have a significant impact on the economic, political and strategic life of Nepal," says Professor Dhruba Kumar, of Tribhuvan University's Center for Nepal and Asian Studies. "The US-led campaign can be expected to drastically reduce state-sponsored terrorism. No country would want to see the emergence of another Bin Laden on their soil."

Economically, Nepal has suffered much. The country's principal exports to Western European countries and the United States have plunged following US President George W. Bush's declaration of a global war on terrorism and his warning to the Taliban regime to hand over Bin Laden or face the consequences. If the conflict in Afghanistan escalates, Nepal, which is home to more than one million Muslims, may have a difficult time.

Nepalese Queries

In recent days, Nepalis have shown a growing interest in the history and culture of Afghanistan. After the Bin Laden network was blamed for the September 11 attacks, Afghanistan became a hot topic of discussions in Kathmandu. Almost all books on Afghanistan disappeared from store shelves within a few weeks of the terrorist attacks. Newspapers carrying stories on Afghanistan witnessed a rise in sales.

"We have sold almost all our books related to Afghanistan," says Madhab Lal Maharjan, executive director of Mandala Book Point. "Books on Afghanistan were in very low demand before attacks, but now it has suddenly gone up. Academics, in particular, seem to want more and more books on Afghanistan."

Other bookstores are reporting a similar spurt in sales. "There is a sudden surge in interest in Afghanistan," says Shiva Shrestha of Himalayan Books. "Dozens of people visit us in search of books on the Taliban and Afghanistan. I have been in this business for more than five decade and have never seen such demand for publications related to Afghanistan."

In the course of the Gorkha expansion in 1800s, Nepalese soldier marched toward Lahore, the capital of Ranjit Singh's Punjab. But Nepali soldiers did not venture beyond that point. Consequently, Afghanistan remained out of the Nepali consciousness.

Even in modern times, only a few Nepalis made an effort to understand the problems of Afghanistan, its political and geographic compulsions and its strategic importance. The growing interest in that country, which overcame British and Soviet attempts at subjugation, may be attributed to damage events there have caused to the Nepalese economy. Growing Muslim fundamentalism in Afghanistan is another cause of concern for Nepalis.

During the 1979-1989 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, during which the Mujahideen resistance backed by the United States, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia fought a bloody liberation war, Nepal was forced to maintain silence, especially because its southern neighbor remained in close alliance with the Soviet Union. Although the Nepalese government officially opposed the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, it could hardly do anything more against Moscow's policies. During the Soviet occupation, dozens of Afghan refugees came to Nepal through India.

Now the situation is different. Afghanistan is fighting a lonely battle, evidently taking the side of Bin Laden and his network. Moreover, Nepal's powerful southern and northern neighbors are supporting the US-led campaign against international terrorism.

As most Arab nations are still reluctant to support the US and British air strikes, Muslim countries in the Gulf region, which employ tens of thousands of Nepalis, may readjust their labor policies. This would add to Nepal's economic woes, since remittances from the Gulf have assumed greater importance in recent years. Western diplomats, including the acting ambassador of the United States, have welcomed Nepal's stand against international terrorism and its commitment to eradicate it from the world.

If the conflict lasts for months, the countries of South Asia could see mounting problems. More widespread and violent outbursts of Muslim sentiments in Pakistan, Bangladesh and India cannot be ruled out. Nepal cannot remain free itself from serious religious disturbances in the region. According to an estimate, Nepal has a small number of radical Muslims trained in Taliban schools in Afghanistan. "If the conflict last for another few more months, Nepal would be greatly vulnerable to communal conflicts," says a political analyst.

Clash of Civilizations

Many analysts see the current conflict as part of the "clash of civilizations", which Harvard Professor Samuel P. Huntington predicted several years ago. With non-Muslim nations fully behind the United States, liberal Muslim nations taking a middle course, and hard-line Muslim nations, including Iran and Iraq, opposing the attacks against the Taliban, the fault lines are becoming increasingly apparent.

"In the emerging world, relations between states and groups from different civilizations will be close and will often be antagonistic. Yet some inter-civilization relations are more conflict-prone than others are. At the micro level, the most violent fault lines are between Islam and its Orthodox, Hindu, African, and western Christian neighbors. At the macro level, the dominant division is between ëthe West and the rest', with most intense conflict occurring between Muslim and Asian societies on the one hand, and the west on the other. The dangerous clashes of the future are likely to arise from the interaction of western arrogance, Islamic intolerance and assertiveness," Huntington wrote in "The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of World Order".

"Spurred by modernization, global politics is being reconfigured along cultural lines. Peoples and countries with similar cultures are coming together. Peoples and countries with different cultures are coming apart. Political boundaries increasingly are redrawn to coincide with cultural ones: ethnic, religious, and civilization. Cultural communities are replacing Cold War blocs, and the fault lines between civilizations are becoming the central lines of conflict in global politics."

Nepalese scholars agree that the initial reactions to the US-led attacks on Afghanistan come close to Huntington's prediction. Despite the atrocities committed by the Bin Laden network against the innocent civilians in the United States, a large number of Muslim people and states like Iran and Iraq appear to have sided with the Taliban's contention that the United States is waging war against Islam. "Muslim reaction the US-led attack on Afghanistan clearly indicates that even secular Muslim states like Indonesia and Malaysia cannot wholeheartedly support the United States and its allies," says Professor Dhruba Kumar. "Muslim countries in the Gulf [which have traditionally been US allies] hold similar views."

Reaction of Nepalese Muslims

Nepal has a fairly small number of radical Muslims, but they may be enough to create trouble while Nepal is already struggling to maintain law and order in the midst of the Maoist insurgency.

According to the Population Census of 2001, Islam is the third largest religion in Nepal after Hinduism and Buddhism. Preliminary estimates put the Muslim population in Nepal at about five percent.

According to the Census of 1991, there were 653,218 Muslims in Nepal. The central development region has largest concentration of 303,843 Muslims. Muslims number 156,425, 131,093, 58,374 and 3,483 in the eastern, western, mid-western and far-western development region respectively. Muslims inhabit all three geographic regions, mountains, hills and terai. The western hills have about 11,110 Muslims.

The mood of the people during first days of the air strikes shows that Nepalis are in favor of action against terrorist outfits inside Afghanistan. Although radical communist groups issued a statement denouncing the US-led attacks, they do not appear to reflect popular sentiment.

When Monday's newspapers came out with banner headlines on the US and British air strikes against terrorist targets in Afghanistan, the reaction was subdued. Students at Muslim schools attended class as usual. "We cannot support terrorism in any part of the world," says Niyaz Ahmad, principal of Madarsa Islamiya School run under the Nepalese Jame Masjid. "Islam is a religion based on peace. The US, however, must avoid the killing of common and innocent people in Afghanistan."

A small section of Muslims, however, is against the US attacks, accusing Washington and London of waging war against Islam. "We cannot remain silent when innocent Muslims are being killed in Afghanistan," says a Muslim cleric on condition of anonymity. "We might take some sort of decision after Friday prayers this week," he adds.

"One cannot hold Bin Laden responsible for the September 11 terrorist attacks without providing full evidence," says Sayabuddin Ahmad, a Muslim from Parsa district who sells goats.

After last month's attacks on the United States, the majority of Muslims have rallied behind Washington. A small segment of Muslims, however, blamed the western media for publishing provocative stories linking Islam to terrorism.

Muslim politicians agree that no one should be allowed to use religion to kill people. "If someone is found guilty of killing innocent people in the name of Jihad, there is no question of protecting them," said MP Mohammed Aftab Alam of the ruling Nepali Congress. "Nepalese Muslims have a long history of tolerance and have been living in harmony with people of other religions and cultures."

Reactions of Political Parties

While Muslims have been restrained in their reaction to the air strikes on Afghanistan, some radical communist parties have condemned the US and British operations as an attack on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan. The radical left parties also see the attacks as part of a design to expand American imperialism in the world.

While other communist parties, as usual, stand at almost the same rhetoric level, democratic forces such as the Nepali Congress, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Nepal Sadbhavana Party are more supportive of the US-led campaign.

"We call all progressive forces in the world to oppose American imperialism," says MP Lilamani Pokharel, general secretary of the United People's Front. "Americans are responsible for killing innocent people and organizing terrorist acts. We are against all forms of religious fundamentalism, but we cannot support the naked attack of US imperialism against sovereign Afghans."

Members of other radical left parties echo Pokharel's sentiments. "We condemn the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, but we cannot support the aggression by the US and western imperialism against the independence and sovereignty of Afghanistan," says MP Nava Raj Subedi, a member of the National People's Front which has five MPs in parliament. "The attack on Afghanistan is an attack against the sovereignty and independence of that country."

Left parties are also critical of the government's decision to support the US-led alliance. "By supporting the US actions in Afghanistan, the Deuba government has stood as a stooge of American imperialism," said MP Pokharel, taking special time in the House of Representatives on Monday. Likewise, leaders of other leftist parties like Nepal Workers and Peasants Party (NWPP), Unity Center and Marxist Leninist have denounced the US strikes on Afghanistan. ìThe attack reflects the imperialist attitude of the United States,î said Narayan Man Bijukchhe, President of NWPP.

Implications for the Maoist Movement

After the September 11 attacks on the United States, the Maoists suffered one of the major setbacks of their six-year insurgency. The deployment of Indian security forces along the Nepal-India border and the official statement of Indian Foreign and Defense Minister Jaswant Singh describing Nepal's Maoists as terrorists added pressure on the rebel leaders to find away to end the insurgency.

Although the government and Maoist insurgents agreed to a cease-fire just a month before the terrorist attacks on the United States, the new turn of events has paved the way to bringing normalcy as soon as possible. Despite sporadic acts of violence, including extortion and intimidation, the government and Maoists maintain that they will find an amicable solution to the violent insurgency.

What is Afghanistan?

"Every rock, every hill has its story," said former British prime minister Winston Churchill in his dispatch to The Daily Telegraph in 1897, describing the hills and mountains of then north-west frontier and nearby Afghanistan.

Churchill's observation of the hills and mountains of Afghanistan and western frontier states reflected the stories of western powers entering India passing through the Hindu Kush.

For centuries before leaving the Indian subcontinent, British colonial power treated Afghanistan as a buffer between British India and Russia. As soon as the British left India, a power vacuum emerged. The Soviet Union started to penetrate Afghanistan, eventually sending in troops in 1979. As soon as the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, the Afghan people entered an era of unmitigated violence, instability and hardship. After forcing out Soviet troops, Afghans were ruled by religious zealots for six years who were ousted by the fundamentalist Taliban with alleged support from Bin Laden. As soon as the Soviets were defeated in Afghanistan, the United States, too, withdrew its engagement with the country, leaving it to battle-hardened warlords. They converted their skill and strength acquired during the anti-Soviet war to promote terrorism in the name of religion.

Afghans were turbulent people who knew how to conquer but not how to conciliate, according to a commentary by Percival Spear in the Oxford History of Modern India. They could die for a cause but not compromise for it.

The United States and its coalition partners spent nearly a month using diplomatic means to seek a positive response from Afghanistan on handing over Bin Laden. They launched military operations against terrorist training camp run by Bin Laden after the Taliban regime refused to hand over the fugitive. The challenge now is to avoid civilian casualties in order to deny Bin Laden and the Taliban regime an opportunity to incite Muslims against the US-led campaign. The sooner the terrorist outfits are destroyed, the better for world peace and prosperity. The banality of this statement is more than outweighed by the urgency of the task.


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