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COVER STORY |
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COVER STORY |
2058 B.S. A Year Of Amid deepening political
turmoil, a state of emergency triggered by an upsurge in Maoist violence and the grisly
royal palace carnage, the year 2058 has shown that Nepalese institutions possess the
strength and resilience to confront all kinds of challenges. Had Nepalis been endowed with
a responsive and committed political leadership, they might have been able to avoid much
of the massive destruction of human life and property inflicted on the country over the
last 12 months. Moreover, a new threat against individual freedom looms large in the form
of the anti-corruption bills in parliament. By KESHAB POUDEL —After the mysterious massacre of King
Birendra's entire family and other members of the royal family, the institution of
monarchy recovers from the jolt within a few months and maintains its influence under the
new monarch, King Gyanendra. —Parliament, virtually defunct because
of relentless pressure from the CPN-UML and other opposition parties, has regained
normality following the forced exit of prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala. Although
efforts to obstruct parliament continue, proceedings have been facilitated by frequent
compromises.
—The Maoist insurgency, which
has claimed public utilities worth of billions of rupees, is gradually becoming isolated
from the national mainstream. Terrorism has claimed the lives of more than 3,000 people,
equivalent to the number of voters in Manang district. The institution of the prime minister,
however, has became weaker, with the opposition frequently dictating policy and programs.
The ruling Nepali Congress has changed two prime ministers — Krishna Prasad Bhattarai
and Girija Prasad Koirala — under intense pressure of opposition parties. Although
Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba came to power with tactical support from the opposition,
he is now facing the plight of his predecessors. The UML and other opposition parties are
wooing their former No. 1 enemy Koirala to dethrone Deuba. At a time when the Supreme Court is adamant
on protecting individual rights in anti-corruption cases, a few bills introduced in
parliament have created apprehensions of a new wave of legal terror in society. Political
leaders and civil servants, knowingly and unknowingly, would come uraints of the country
and allowed the political process to take its natural course, the situation would have
been stable. "No matter what type of political
system is in place in developing countries, the political leadership is a very important
variable," said Dr. Lok Raj Baral, executive chairman of Nepal Center for
Contemporary Studies and a well-known political scientist. "Building institutions and
infrastructures is not adequate. The country requires visionary and courageous leadership.
We have not seen our equivalents of such Indian leaders as Rajendra Prasad, Jawaharlal
Nehru and Sardar Ballav Bhai Patel," Dr. Baral said. Although institutions and infrastructures
built during various phases of modern history have been badly shaken in the past year, the
maturity of Nepalis has saved them from catastrophe. It is their shared sense of identity
that has stabilized the situation. "Nepalese political leaders have realized the need
to come together to resolve the country's problem," said Dr. Baral. Even amid the massive wave of destruction
of well-built small- and medium-sized rural-based infrastructures like bridges,
telecommunication installations, drinking water projects, small hydropower plants, roads,
airports and the dismantling of key institutions including schools, village development
committee buildings, banks, health posts, agriculture centers, police stations, social
harmony still prevails. In absence of such basic facilities, villages have come to rely on
traditional ways of helping one another.
This is not first time Nepal has seen
organized destruction of institutions. Following the restoration of democracy in 1990,
agitators torched many vital institutions. The challenge is greater this time because the
country has to spend additional resources to rebuild these institutions at a time when it
is facing a severe resource crunch. Sturdy pillars of state have provide
legitimacy to institutions and the traditions and practices to protect them. In the
aftermath of palace massacre, the Raj Parishad installed two kings within a span of two
days. The elected government rallied an injured nation together and defused violent street
demonstrations that could have spiralled into a dangerous wave of anarchism. Whether in
the form of elections or tradition, local-level leadership still prevails. Political Instability The institution of monarchy continues to
work as a stabilizing factor and the new king has come to embody the spirit of the
Nepalese people. The political system allows people to organize to ventilate their
grievances and aspirations. But endemic political instability remains the major challenge
for Nepal. Frequent changes in government and the demand for a new constitution from the
Maoist rebels have placed the country in a more vulnerable position. This instability is not the making of
structural flaws in the political system. Rather, it is the outcome of the conduct of the
political leadership. One cannot predict the mood and actions of political parties in
parliament, particularly those in the opposition. They do not mind resorting to physical
force in order to disrupt legislative proceedings. Prime Minister Deuba concluded the last
session of parliament in relative peace, as he had received the support of the ruling and
opposition benches. But the days ahead are tough for the prime minister. With Deuba's honeymoon with the UML and
other opposition parties — and factions within the ruling party — long over,
bedlam has returned to parliament. "The government has not introduced the three bills
[on anti-corruption measures] and the constitution amendment proposal it had pledged to
do," complains MP Subhas Chandra Nembang, a member of the UML's powerful central
committee. "We will raise the issue in parliament with our full strength. If
government does not listen to us, we will take all necessary action," he warns. Despite noisy — and at times violent
— street protests and legislative gridlock during his first term in office, prime
minister Girija Prasad Koirala managed to run the government relatively smoothly, as he
exercised his executive authorities in accordance with the constitution. During his last
tenure as head of government, Koirala lost his ability to wield authority as opposition
grew over his alleged involvement in a tainted airline-lease agreement. Ultimately,
Koirala was compelled to adopt greater flexiblity in his dealings with the opposition.
"Flexibility does not mean you have to sacrifice your basic principles," says
Dr. Baral. At a time when his guru was reduced to such
a pitiable position, one could easily gauge the strength Deuba brought to the prime
minister's office. Moreover, his willingness to make compromises was already on full
display during his first stint as prime minister in the mid-1990s, when he headed a
fractious three-party coalition. Because of relentless political pressure
and insecurity, the government has been unable to introduce reforms and other development
programs aimed at providing jobs to the large number of unemployed youth. "The Maoist
violence is not the major problem of the country, as it can be contained. What the
government needs to do urgently is to take steps toward economic development and reducing
unemployment," says a political analyst. "Obviously, these problems do not have
short-term solutions." Over the last five decades, the only
consistent achievement Nepal seems to have made is in experimenting with a variety of
constitutions and political systems. Following the agreement of the Nepali Congress and
the UML to amend the current constitution, the political process seems set for another
round of instability. Words of Encouragement Nepalis' foreign friends and well wishers
regularly offer words of encouragement. "The national leadership, educators and
everybody else need to stress the importance of considering yourself Nepalese," said
Carlton Coon, former US ambassador Nepal, in a program recently. "If you can reshape
these basic attitudes towards castes and ethnic divisions in society, and if you can
generate a deep seated conviction that this is your country, it is lead to the
determination that education opportunities and health care should be extended to
everybody. Not because of political demands, but because of needs. This is the long-term
solution for the kind of problems you have. It is what will make Nepal a strong and
vigorous country," he said. Dr. Nikolay Listopadov, former deputy chief
of the mission of Russian Federation to Nepal, too, lauded the resilience of Nepalese
institutions. "Your multiparty political system and constitutional monarchy together
handled the difficult situation [in the aftermath of the palace killings] with care. The
tragedy was a kind of test for the Nepalese people and for the democratic political
system. The Nepalese people have demonstrated their wisdom and strength." (SPOTLIGHT
August 17-23, 2001). The memory of the unprecedented turbulence
and tragedies 2058 brought is gradually fading amid hopes for a better future. But the
path ahead is hardly easy. In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11 in
New York City and Washington DC, there is added apprehension over whether peace can be
restored to the country. The country has to spend another decade just to recoup the
destruction done in the last year. Unfortunately, some of the losses are unrecoverable. Nepal's political leadership has never
confronted so many convulsions compressed in one year. Although politicians have agreed to
set up an all-party mechanism to prevent further destruction of traditional and modern
institutions, they seem to be ignorant about the level of the destruction. Inconsistency
and irresponsibility have become part of everyday life. The morning session of the lower
house of parliament passes a bill unanimously, while members of the same party oppose it
in the upper house hours later. Political leaders seem to have blinded themselves to the
past and the future. When they lose their ability to live in the present, the country can
only brace for greater chaos. Challenge for Political Parties Unlike the monarchy, political parties are
yet to receive wide support. In the aftermath of the palace killings, King Gyanendra has
not only stabilized the institution and but has strengthened its popular roots by, among
other things, regular consultations with Nepalis of all walks of life. As relatively modern institutions,
political parties have to pass through a painful process. To gain legitimacy among the
people, parties need a stable constitutional process. As the source of political
instability, however, the ruling and opposition parties have embarked on a self-defeating
course. Ironically, the Nepali Congress and the UML's obsession with amending the
constitution risks creating new complexities for the political establishment. Nepal's experience with constitutional
changes has been bitter. In replacing its predecessor, each new constitution has also done
away with institutions and mechanisms that have worked. If the current constitution is
amended through political pressure, no one can predict the kind of disorder it would bring
to the polity. Instead of learning from the past and correcting mistakes, political
leaders are busy in intrigues. They are going from door to door and office to office to
open new fronts. Despite the unprecedented convulsions the
country has undergone in the last year, it has proved its ability to survive. "The
tragic incidents that occurred last year have affected Nepalese nationality and
nationalism," says Sunil Kumar Bhandary, a member of the Nepali Congress Central
Committee. "This fact has proven that there is nothing more important than national
reconciliation among the democratic and traditional forces to save Nepalese nationalism
and democracy. The tragic incidents of the past year have taught us that there is an
urgent need to strengthen national institutions, including the monarchy. This is the time
to revitalize national pride through national reconciliation," he said. Although traces of that kind of unanimity
are becoming evident in recent days, politicians have developed a deeply ingrained
tendency to take ever tragedy in an easygoing way. Had the political leadership realized
the gravity of the nation's crisis, they would not have veered toward the path of
confrontation. In his 1721 book, "An Account of
Tibet", French traveler Desiderius observed: "These Nepalese are active,
intelligent, and very industrious, clever at engraving and melting metal, but unstable,
turbulent and traitorous." Have we not changed in 281 years? It seems politics in the valley is still
guided by the headlines of daily and weekly newspapers as political leaders do not have
any sensible yardstick to judge the country's situation. "Nepalese political leaders
have not been learning from the past; what they care about is the present political
scenario," says Professor Dhruba Kumar, a research scholar with Tribhuvan
University's Center for Nepal and Asian Studies. "Had they read the writing on the
wall, the country would not have had to suffer from the present plight," he says. As long as political leaders fail to
develop a sense of responsibility toward the people and country, social transformation
will remain an elusive quest. "The Nepalese political leadership has to develop
affection for the country and work to protect Nepalese nationalism by adhering to
democratic values and norms," says senior advocate Mukunda Regmi, a member of the
commission that drafted the current constitution. "Politicians have to honestly think
over who is responsible for creating the present situation. If there are any mistakes on
their part, they must correct them in the larger interest of the country," he says. "Have we surrendered to the situation
or are the problems beyond our comprehension and solution?" asks Badri Bahadur Karki,
who resigned as attorney-general last week. "Looking at the way our political
leadership is behaving, it seems that we have not learnt any lesson from our past mistakes
and dangers which are looming larger and larger," he says. Remarks of the Past In other countries, problems come up and
are sorted out in a short period. Nepal's political leadership, however, is active in
creating problems rather than in finding long-term solutions. What about the people in general? Perhaps
the following observation of King Prithvi Narayan Shah the Great aptly depicts character
of Kathmandu Valley. "This three-citied Nepal is a cold stone. It is great only in
intrigue. With one who drinks water from cisterns, there is no wisdom; nor is there
courage. There is only intrigue. My wish is to build my capital at Dahachowk. And I would
build around me houses for the leaders and priests of my people, my family, my court, the
leaders and chiefs of the hill states. In these cities, apart from my capital, let there
remain empty pomp and pleasure." The idea thrown up by King Prithvi Narayan
Shah in his "Dibya Upadesh" is still valid in the context of Nepalese politics.
Even while the country was passing through a very critical phase of history in coping with
the loss of King Birendra — a massive storehouse of knowledge and experience —
Nepalese leaders were busy scheming against then prime minister Koirala. Had
Koirala been allowed to remain in power, the country might have avoided some of today's
chaos. Unfortunately, dissidents within the ruling party joined hands with the UML and
other opposition parties in stepping up pressure on Koirala to resign. Interestingly, the same leaders in the
opposition are following Koirala as if he has reincarnated himself as their savior. The
country is passing through another phase of political turbulence and uncertainty. "Our insensitivity might have been
helpful in maintaining tranquillity but the lack of a visionary approach and action to
fight and resolve the main issues and challenges has been proving very costly and
dangerous," says Karki. "Nobody knows when and where we are going to end
up." Nepal's growth as a nation has been marred
by the problems persisting in the political system. Our political experiments of the last
five decades have not been harmonized with the people's aspirations. We must understand
that the democratic system needs a long time to grow. Once a political system with the
institutional capacity to deliver results in accordance with public demand is established,
the cycle of nation building can be considered complete. "Despite our mistakes and ignorance,
Thank God, we have survived," says Karki. "But the country has been paying a
heavy price for our survival. Now we must take stock of things and resolve to act." Silver Lining There are silver linings, though. Nepalis
have proved that the country is manageable. Sandwiched between the two major powers of
Asia — India and China — there is growing recognition on all sides that any
anarchy in Nepal could easily spill over to its neighbors. At a time when Nepal is desperately
searching for resources, the Nepal Development Forum meeting held last February pledged to
help the country build infrastructure and launch new development programs. The NDF
meeting, like the 11th SAARC summit, has sent positive signals to the world. On the power front, the 144 MW Kali Gandaki
A, one of the largest hydropower projects in the country, has started operations. The
signing of trade treaty between India and Nepal, after major reservations on both sides
were surmounted, is another achievement. Although Nepal is yet to see the outcome of
Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba's visit to India last month, the trip provided Kathmandu
to express its concerns to New Delhi on a wide gamut of issues. Despite turmoil, tragedy, upheavals and
destruction of infrastructures, the monarchy, democracy and the country have survived.
However, a reign of legal terror looms large on the horizon. Once the anti-corruption
bills before parliament become law, they could deny the fundamental rights of individuals
— a dangerous proposition for a country that has already endured so much. Major events of 2058 Baisakh Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji pays an official
visit to Nepal. Jestha 1.
A three-day general
strike called by the CPN-UML. 2.
The killing of 11
members of the royal family, including King Birendra, Queen Aishwarya, Crown Prince
Dipendra, Prince Nirajan, Princesses Shruti, Shanti Singh, Sharada Shah, Jayanti Shah,
Kumar Khadga Bikram Shaha and former prince Dhirendra. 3.
Prince Gyanendra
ascends the throne. Ashad 1.
Parliament stalled for a week. 2.
Prime Minister Girija
Prasad Koirala resigns. Shrawan 1.
Sher Bahadur Deuba
appointed prime minister. 2.
Maoist-government talks
begin. 3.
Government announces implementation of a 10-point agenda. 4.
Indian Foreign Minister
Jaswant Singh visits Nepal. Bhadra Suicide hijackers launch attacks in New
York City and Washington DC. Aswin The legislature and judiciary are locked in
a war of words over anti-corruption legislation. Kartik King Gyanendra declares Prince Paras as
Crown Prince and Princess Hemani as Crown Princess. Mangsir 1.
Maoists pull out of
peace talks and attack army barracks at Dang and the district headquarters of Syangja and
Dang. 2.
Nationwide
state of emergency imposed and Royal Nepalese Army deployed against the Maoists 3.
Maoists attack
Solukhumbu district headquarters, killing the chief district officer. Poush Eleventh SAARC summit held. Magh 1.
US Secretary of State
Colin Powell visits Nepal. 2.
Maoists attack
Bhakundebesi police post on the Bardibas-Dhulikhel highway. Falgun. 1.
National Development Forum meets in Kathmandu and Pokhara. 2.
Maoists attack Achham
district, killing more than 150 security personnel, including 50 armymen, and the chief
district officer. 3.
House of
Representatives ratifies the emergency proclamation. 4.
Nepal-India Trade
Treaty signed. Chaitra 1.
Prime Minister Sher
Bahadur Deuba visits India. 2.
Parliament stalled for four days. 3.
All-party consensus
reached to organize joint programs against the Maoists. |
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