National 2 (Spotlight Weekly)

Central Character

Widely criticized as being "power and money hungry", the Nepali Congress supremo has a facet of simplicity and frankness few have noticed.

By KESHAB POUDEL

In a span of just eight months, Girija Prasad Koirala has transformed himself from the most hounded man on the political arena to its most sought after. Last year, Koirala was the target of the combined opposition, who pressed for his resignation in parliament and on the streets over his alleged involvement in the Lauda Air scandal. Last week, the Nepali Congress president received a red-carpet welcome at the headquarters of the main opposition CPN-UML.

In his latest incarnation at the age of 79, Koirala has been asked by opposition leaders to led a movement for national renewal. The opposition's turnaround shows that Koirala still has political utility for them. Much as they might call him arrogant, mainstream politicians know they cannot expect to launch a successful campaign without Koirala's participation and support. But even his political riнннvals have not delved deep enough to understand the conundrum he represents.нн

Lost amid the heated controversies over the role and stature of Koirala is his simple living and frank observations. Those who visit his home these days are forced to wonder whether Koirala is the same "corrupt" politician his opponents have made many Nepalis believe? He has never claimed to be a saint. Nor has he felt the need to apply for a certificate of honesty from self-professed paragons of virtue. Koirala seems to have entrusted his spartan lifestyle to provide all the answers.

The leader of the party in power has built a home in two modest rooms at the house of his nephew Dr. Shashank Koirala, the son of B.P. Koirala who is a prominent eye specialist, in Maharajgunj. While his long-time party colleague Krishna Prasad Bhattarai has been living in a two-storied modern bungalow belonging to Minister of Health Sarat Singh Bhandary, Koirala makes do with a 10' X 14' meeting room and a bedroom.

Had he assembled a strong team of advisers from the very beginning, Koirala could have become the just the right leader the country needed. Had he taken decisions with care, he could have steered clear of controversy and concentrated on his national agenda. Had he talked about the obscure facets of himself a little bit more, he might not have had to battle constant accusations of corruption.

G.P. Koirala's only daughter, Sujata, has built a beautiful and spacious bungalow at Mandikhatar, close the house of Dr. Shashank Koirala and his wife Dr. Supatra, a leading gynaecologist. But the Nepali Congress strongman has opted for the comfort of the space offered by his nephew.

He uses the same unpretentious room to meet the prime minister, opposition leaders, ambassadors and party workers and to take major political decisions. To most of his visitors, including long-time party workers, Koirala does not offer a cup of tea. That would have been an obvious disadvantage for any other politician. But for Koirala, it is a personality trait.

Those who claim to know Koirala says he is easily misled and tends to take decisions without weighing the probable consequences. Because of this weakness, he has often been used to destabilize a political process that had begun amid such high hopes in the spring of 1990. During his first tenure as prime minister, after the general election of 1991, Koirala committed many mistakes by relying on the advice of a coterie.

During this period, he had rented a house at Maharjgunj for public relations purposes. After his election as party president six years ago, he closed down that office and moved to the Nepali Congress headquarters in Teku to take full charge of the party.

It would be safe to say that Koirala's simplicity does not have any match among the present set of political leaders. Unlike Bhattarai, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and main opposition party leader Madhav Kumar Nepal є and most prominent communist and Congress leaders — Koirala does not have property in his name. He handed over his ancestral possessions in Biratnagar to his daughter and step-son.

Why, then, are Koirala's opponents rather successful in equating his name with sleaze? Koirala might have accumulated money to run the party machinery and to meet endless demands of workers who form the organization's nuts and bolts. Like any other politician, Koirala is expected by supporters to help them in times of need. From sending supporters' children abroad for higher education to paying medical costs of sick party workers, Koirala needs money. In a country where a large number of people live below the poverty line, party workers are more likely to expect something from their leader.

During elections, Koirala seeks donations from business groups to fund the basic expenses of official candidates. Had he siphoned off money for personal gain, he might have chosen to live a more luxurious life. Those close to Koirala have accumulated money through fair and foul means. Former members of the Koirala coterie are seen driving late-model cars and living in new houses. But each time Koirala has moved out of the Prime Minister's official residence in Baluwatar, he has headed straight to his nephew's home.

As a politician who has spent more than five decades in politics, Koirala is a living history. He knows the ins and outs of Nepalese politics but seems to be in no mood to publish them. "I can never be a B.P. Koirala because I am Girija Prasad Koirala," he said when this reporter suggested that he write his memoirs. In some ways, Koirala probably has insights and observations that are more relevant today than his brother's, but he seems to be happy as a full-time politician.

Koirala has never made claims to statesmanship. But many Nepalis have read about or heard of his uncompromising disposition even in the toughest of situations. He spent three additional years in prison after declining to sign a paper renouncing his beliefs in 1966. According to B.P. Koirala's memoirs, "Atmabritanta", G.P. had held unsuccessful negotiations with late King Mahendra to secure his release.

Koirala is Nepal's longest serving prime minister, having notched up a total tenure of seven years following the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990. During almost all of his stints, opposition parties, including the CPN-UML, unleashed all kinds of pressures and actions to oust him. Whether in power or outside, the man has never found time to rest.

During his last tenure as prime minister, the UML and other opposition parties resorted to political and non-political methods to press for his resignation. They announced a "social boycott" of Koirala, staying away from programs where he was the chief guest.

Thanks to Koirala, satraps of small communist factions are today in a position of influence that would otherwise have gone to leaders of today's Rastriya Prajatantra Party. Had Koirala, then general secretary of the party, not opposed the formation of the first commission to draft the post-1990 constitution, communist leaders would have had a very nominal role in the creation of the final document.

Ironically, Koirala has been criticized as one of the most corrupt political leaders by those people who themselves are wallowing in a lavish lifestyle. If the Nepali Congress did not have to contest elections and oil the organizational machinery, Koirala probably would not have gone in for dark-room deals. All politicians acknowledge that they need resources to run their organizations. Somehow, only Koirala seems to have been caught in the eye of the storm.

A man who readily acknowledges that he does not have the intellect of his brother has to rely on teamwork. But Koirala's team has rarely included people who care about the country or the system. As the team leader, therefore, he has had to take responsibility for the lack of vision and ideas of his aides.

Koirala's ability to organize and mobilize party workers has been legendary.

Even during the Panchayat decades, when political parties were banned, Koirala would be out in the field. His frankness has stood out, too. On one tumultuous day in 1990, Koirala told his audience at the Tundikhel Open Theater that the restoration of democracy was a victory for the panchas as well, a remark that drew jeers for years.

In recent times, those Koirala trusted the most have turned out to become him fiercest critics. No party worker seems to be able to stand by him for too long. Moreover, members of the extended Koirala family active in day-to-day politics є such as sister-in-law Nona Koirala, cousin Sushil Koirala, niece Shailaja Acharya and nephew Prakash Koirala — seem to have their own agendas.

Many promising members of the party have quit the Koirala camp, complaining that members of the family alienated them. Scores of allies have ditched the Nepali Congress supremo at critical moments, saying they could no longer tolerate the humiliation heaped upon them by other members of the clan.

This turnover has compelled Koirala to change his team of lieutenant very often. The first team, which helped Koirala formulate the early policies and programs of the Nepali Congress government, soon gave way to another set. In having to shuffle his advisers and aides so frequently, Koirala has been deprived of the consistency and coherence a permanent team could have ensured.

Often, Koirala ends up with the wrong people. During his first tenure as prime minister, he appointed Mohan Chapagain, who currently serves as a palace-nominated member of the National Assembly, as his personal adviser. His latest secretary is a retired engineer of the Department of Roads. From a former communist to an engineer, Koirala has sought to draw support from a vast pool of experience. But when he needed an engineer, Koirala followed the advice of a politician. Now when he needs a politician, he is following the suggestions of an engineer.

Until a year ago, Koirala was working with a different team, which probably explains his opposition to amending the constitution then. These days, the Nepali Congress chief appears to be convinced that the country's salvation lies in amending the constitution. Koirala seems to be influenced by former minister Govinda Raj Joshi, whose ideas on amendment came out in the newspapers about a year ago. The Nepali Congress's amendment agenda bears a striking resemblance to Joshi's views.

Although Koirala treats party workers as political colleagues, the arrogance of those around him have forced many intelligent and honest allies out of his camp. Everyone wants to use Koirala as a tool for political advantage. Even at this late stage of his career, this all-powerful man has no political friends who can understand him. Had he chosen to speak directly to Nepalis about the nation's difficulties and taken his prescription to them, Koirala would have drawn massive applause from the masses.