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INTERVIEW |
It Is The Political Duty Of Our Party To Challenge The Government In The Court Of People MADHAV KUMAR NEPAL When MADHAV KUMAR NEPAL,
general secretary of the CPN-UML, began nswering our questions, the bells began ringing in
the adjacent room where his father was performing the evening puja. Although he is a
communist, Nepal respects his parents' right to perform their religious duties. This
family value seems to have taught him the importance of accommodation and tolerance. The
party Nepal has been leading for the last nine years as general secretary has faced many
ups and downs, but he has firmly played a crucial role to keep it united. For 26 years, he
has been a standing committee member of the party. Nepal has played a major role in the
transformation of a small radical outfit into the second largest party in the country. The
following are excerpts from Nepal's hour-long conversation with KESHAB POUDEL at his
residence in Koteswor on Friday. At a time when the ruling party is
split over Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba's decision to dissolve the House of
Representatives and call fresh elections, what prompted you to accept the challenge thrown
by Deuba? When the House of Representatives was
dissolved on the recommendation of the prime minister and the date for fresh elections was
announced, we had no alternative to accepting the political challenge. It was a very
painful decision. As the main opposition party, it is the political duty of our party to
challenge the government in the court of public opinion. Our party decided not to file a
petition at the Supreme Court since we have been advocating that dissolution of the house
is a prerogative of the prime minister. As an active member of the Nepali Congress, Deuba
should have respected the party's directives. But when the prime minister dissolved the
house, it was politically and morally impossible for us to oppose his decision. Don't you think parliament could
have provided a strong alternative government? When the Nepali Congress was divided in two
factions, the dissolved house was in no position to give a stable government. Even if the
house were to be restored, parliament will fall under the control of bad people. After
analyzing all pros and cons of various alternatives, our party has drawn the conclusion
that the existing parliament cannot provide a strong a stable alternative government. Even
in the case of a reinstatement of the house, our party is ready to face any political
challenge. We will accept the verdict of apex court. What is your stand on the
constitutionality of the dissolution of the house? The prime minister has the right to
dissolve parliament and seek a fresh mandate whenever he wants. That is the stand of our
party. When the Supreme Court reinstalled parliament after quashing then-prime
minister Man Mohan Adhikary's dissolution order, our party opposed the court's decision.
We are still against it. Our party has a clear stand on the prerogative of the prime
minister and the prime ministerial system. We can raise many questions about the political
intentions of Prime Minister Deuba. We have plenty of reasons to suspect how Deubaji can
expect to hold national elections when he could not hold the election for local bodies.
His intention seems to be just to secure his chair rather than advance the cause of
democracy. But these are our political complaints and criticism. Constitutionally,
dissolution is the prerogative of the prime minister. Why are you laying so much stress
on elections? In a democracy, elections are best way of
removing ineffective people from power. In the last 12 years, the bureaucracy, education
and police have been politicized, or rather Congressized. Corruption is rampant and
institutionalized. Political power has been massively misused to fulfill petty political
interests. The national interest has been sacrificed. Because of all these things, the
people want to be liberated from Congress rule. Elections are the most effective way
thorough which the people can choose an alternative government. We want to use the
elections as an opportunity to test our popularity. Our party takes the elections as a
challenge and opportunity. The road ahead is difficult and dangerous. But politics is a
game of possibilities and dangers. If politicians are too scared to play the game, it
would be better for them to vacate the field. When a large group of Congress MPs
have filed a petition in court saying it is very dangerous to visit their constituencies,
why have your MPs strictly abided by party's decision and gone back to their own
constituencies? Don't you see any threat to your MPs? First of all, we are politicians. As fish
cannot survive without water, we cannot survive without the support of the people. We have
to visit the villages where the people live. After the dissolution of house, we asked all
our party workers to go to their own constituencies. We are ourselves visiting many
districts to address party meetings. We are listening to the difficulties of the people.
If politicians do not share the difficulties of the people, they cannot be politicians.
The people are the center of politics. We always have a standing order to our party worker
to live with the people. Girija Prasad Koirala and Nepali Congress MPs have every right to
hold their own point of view. Is it true that your party wants to
take political advantage of the Congress split by forcing them to face the polls? Honestly speaking, we don't want to impose
our views and we don't want to see divisions in the Congress. We will defeat them even if
they are united. We have also filed petitions when we felt injustice. The court has to see
all the matters and put its opinion to the people. Since the election date has been fixed,
we want to face the people. How would the people consider your
party different, as you have played the role of the main opposition for most of the last
12 years? The opposition cannot do much to bring
changes. If we secure a majority, we will provide better alternatives. The people have
seen two majority governments of the Congress along with minority and coalition
governments led by Congress. The people have also experienced more than three years of RPP
rule, with two of its leaders having become prime minister. After the Nepali Congress, it
is the RPP has served the longest time in power. The Congress has produced three prime
ministers while the RPP has produced two. The CPN-UML was in power for just nine months as
a minority government. Thepeople will vote for us this time. All parties have been tested,
but we have proven ourselves. We want to get the judgement from the people. We have shown
honesty to the country, people and system. Newspapers report on differences in
your party but your leaders and workers solidly back your decisions. How is this possible? Our party workers and leaders have the
wavelength. There is no question of differences. We always analyze the situation on a
collective basis. Since the structure of the ommunist party is based on internal
democracy, we decide every issue through elections. We have a collective leadership
pattern. We discuss all the matters intensively before taking final decisions. Once the
party decides, every leader and worker has to obey. Your party workers are working in
villages and listening to the people's difficulties. Other groups argue that the situation
is not conducive to holding elections. Is the situation that bad? I don't think the situation so bad that
elections cannot take place. Of course, there are difficulties and challenges ahead. It is
true that the Maoists are creating problems and threatening other political workers. The
Maoists are using all methods to threaten other party workers in an authoritarian manner.
Such actions are condemnable, undemocratic and against the spirit of communist ideology.
Even in such circumstances, there are many ways through which we can reach the people. Our
party workers have been meeting people and visiting villages. Although many of our party
workers were assassinated, kidnapped, threatened, immolated and beaten by the Maoists, UML
workers have shown courage in visiting the villages following the announcement of the
election date. What are your views on the Maoists? We hold the view that the Maoists should be
brought to the negotiating table. We must find a political solution to the problem. The
Maoists are now talking about peace talks, negotiations and dialogue. When the Maoist are
using such words, the government has to take them positively and bring them into
mainstream politics. It will be a wise to respond to the Maoists' overtures. But the
present government seems to be totally against peace talks. One suspects the intentions of
this government. After all, it ignored the possibility of a resumption of war when it
launched peace talks last year, and today it is ignoring the possibility of talks even in
the phase of war. If the government were aware of the history of insurgencies in the
world, it would not have taken such a stand. Whether in Latin America, Africa or
neighboring India and Sri Lanka, the concerned governments have always opened the door to
a peaceful settlement. Do you think the Maoists will
return to peace talks? The Maoists must resume peace talks as they
don't have other option. If they continue the war, they will be finished. The Maoists can
press their demands at the negotiations table. There is an equal possibility that the
latest Maoist statement in favor of peace talks may be a strategy to scale down
government action. We can ask the Maoists to come up with clearer views. It is up to the
government to read the real intentions. The Maoists must realize that they will not win
the war. Frankly speaking, the government has failed in dealing with the Maoists. This
government has failed in peace talks and in the war. This is because of the ineptitude of
government leaders. It would be wise on part of the government to bring the Maoists to
negotiations. This is also an opportune time for the Maoists to politically survive. How do you see the attempt by both
Congress factions to drag the institution of monarchy into controversy? Our stand is based on objective
observation. When the monarchy is functioning within the constitution, it is our
obligation to defend it. We will defend every act of the king if it is taken under the
constitution. How can we criticize the monarch on an issue which he has accepted as part
of the constitution? We cannot criticize the king under the basis of rumor. In our
country, we have tendency to go after rumor. Nobody gets to the facts. The Congress does
not trust Deuba and Deuba suspects the intentions of Koirala. All parties are running
though imagination. If the king's actions are against democratic principles, we will
definitely oppose them. As long as the king abides by the constitution, we will defend
him. The institution of monarchy unites various ethnic and linguistic groups. The king is
the guardian of constitution. We need to build good and strong relations between the
monarchy and democratic forces to make the country prosper. In the last 12 years, we have
been fighting each other for ourselves. The time has come now to join forces to uplift the
country. Don't you think the elections can
be used to induce the Maoists into mainstream politics? I have already said that this is a good
opportunity for the Maoists to enter the political mainstream. If the Maoists publicly
express their commitment to the forthcoming elections, it will pave the way for a
resumption of talks. I don't believe that laying down of weapons will be a pre-condition
for the talks. But if they want to join an interim government or contest elections, the
Maoists have to surrender their weapons. We can wish that Maoists declared a cease-fire
and laid down their arms. The government is unable to show flexibility and strength in
dealing with Maoist. We have to expose the real intentions of the Maoists to the people. Does the Maoist movement have only
internal dimensions, or does it have external elements as well? As they are members of the Revolutionary
International Movement (RIM), their movement has external backing. They are also members
of COMPOSA, a regional grouping of the Maoists. In their documents, we cannot see any
words regarding nationalism and patriotism. They have never spoken any words even when the
country's integrity is under threat. All these factors give us to suspect their
intentions. I don't think they have backing of any legitimate government but one cannot
rule out the possibility of their getting support from various forces in those countries,
including rebels and other elements. In various periods, internal forces backed the
Maoists. Some external forces might buck up them to push Nepal into a chaotic situation.
We have read many editorials published from some countries supporting the Maoists. Even
some of our statements created furor. Sooner or later, the truth will come out. Some people are predicting a very
bleak future for the country. As the leader of the second largest party in the country,
how do you see the future? Definitely, we can see black clouds in the
sky. Maoist violence, regionalism, tragedies and other issues come up but Nepalese have
retained their sovereignty and integrity. The Nepalese have a strong feeling about their
nation and their national identity. Nepal has many capable personalities who can change
the fate of the nation. The problem is to find ways of accommodating them. There is always
brightness after the darkness. The future of Nepal is bright and prosperous. The Nepalese
have to change the country by themselves. All people have to think that their destiny is
linked with the future of the country. We have to correct our mistakes of the last 12
years. There need to be a complete overhaul in the social, culture and economic sectors. What is the basis of your
confidence? First of all, unlike the Nepali Congress,
our party is strongly united and there is less possibility for internal conflicts. For
social stability, we will bring the Maoists into the national mainstream. If we can form a
government, our foremost effort will be to bring the Maoists into mainstream by
encouraging political forces within Maoist party. Ultra leftists have national and
international roots and it is combination of both. I don't think there is any future for
the ultra-left. The constitution of Nepal is flexible enough to settle all kinds of
political problems. If a political party accepts constitutional monarchy and multiparty
democracy, every party can play a role. What kinds of leaders do you
envisage for the country? We need honest, strong and visionary
leaders who have the determination to end impunity and anarchy. They must provide
discipline in society. We also need courageous democratic leaders who work for the rule of
law. If we have strong leaders, the country will gain political stability. |
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