National 6 (Spotlight Weekly)

Confrontational Course

The continuing rift between the country's major political forces will create more chaos

By KESHAB POUDEL

It took more than two months for CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal to realize that there was something wrong in the constitutional actions taken by the King. Pressing his own demand for forming a new all-party government under Article 128 of the constitution, the UML general secretary dismissed any other alternative as unacceptable.

In the last leg of the UML's nationwide protest program, Nepal and his colleagues demanded the formation of the new government under Article 128 to pave the way for political settlement among the major players. They hinted that the communist leaders would not desist from destabilizing the monarchy in case the stalemate drags on for too long.

Nepal (left) with Badal : Defiant mood

"There is no question of reviving the House of Representatives nor of reinstating Sher Bahadur Deuba as prime minister. Forming a care-taker government under Article 128 is the easiest way to end the political deadlock among the political forces," thundered Nepal, at a big rally at the heart of the capital. "We will wait a few more days to see how the King responds to our demand. Then the next round of our political agitation will
begin."

The UML organized all kinds of rallies, blowing whistles, riding motorbikes, ringing bells and carrying torchlights, all symbolizing Nazi-style methods, to pressure King Gyanendra in the name of mobilizing the people when the common people are struggling for survival. Nobody knows the reason behind the sudden shift of the UML toward a more radical anti-monarchy stand.

Despite his cozy relation with the UML general secretary, Nepali Congress president and former prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala is still sticking to his demand that the House of Representatives be restored under Article 127. Koirala - who has seen all kinds of political games in his five-decade political career - argues that revival of the House of Representatives is only way of finding a political settlement.

Koirala is pushing a more realistic and flexible idea than the other political forces. The ministers, however, have different views. "There is no question of reviving the house nor of forming a government under Article 128," said Minister for Women, Children and Social Welfare Gore Bahadur Khapangi. "If political parties so desire, we can hold the elections as early as possible and negotiate with the Maoists."

After January 7, 2003, six months will have passed since the presentation of annual budget through an ordinance. According to the constitution, ordinances related to money bill must be tabled before the House of Representatives within six months. As there is no house, the present government has to rely more on ordinances.

The country will have to pass through a more chaotic situation in case ideologically based moderate parties lose ground and ethnic, regional and racial-based parties gain strength. Even the UML is following more radical policies.

If the voices of the UML, Nepali Congress and Rastriya Prajatantra Party are ignored and their role minimized, small separatist and ethnic parties will rise in national politics. A composition of forces like Nepal Sadbhavana Party, Nepal Janmukti Party or individuals representing castes, ethnic groups or geographical regions cannot replace ideological parties with nation-wide appeal.

Septuagenarian Congress leader Koirala, who is showing maturity after regretting his mistakes of the last few years, is quietly observing the political developments. But the UML, a party composed of a more radical brand of communists, is pressing for an immediate political solution.

The situation is that the country's internal political forces are divided in different extremes as the two big ideology-based parties are standing at one end and the monarchy is at another with small parties. With the dismissal of Deuba and the formation of the new government, all internal political forces have weakened further. A solution can be found only through unity among the political forces with a broader understanding. But the forces influencing Nepalese internal politics seem to want more destabilization and political chaos to make solid gains. Virtually destroyed and paralyzed by the Maoist insurgency, will the political forces find a peaceful solution on their own?