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NATIONAL CONSENSUS |
Power Politics Thanks to its president,
the Nepali Congress risks being reduced from a majority party to minor player By KESHAB POUDEL Staking his party's absolute majority in
the House of Representatives on the altar of political expediency, Nepali Congress
president and former prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala seems to be ready to lead a
faction of a nebulous broader democratic alliance. Although one of the objectives of the
alliance is to develop national consensus among various political parties, the concept
threatens the essence of multiparty democracy in which political parties are elected to
power on the basis of their own programs.
Politically, such a development
seemed far-fetched until very recently. But now the ball has been set rolling. An
announcement after a meeting at the Maligaun residence of Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP)
leader Surya Bahadur Thapa said that eight leaders of four national parties had agreed to
work under a minimum national consensus framework. The announcement indicated that Thapa,
who served for the longest period as prime minister under the Panchayat system, still has
a major influence in politics. Although Thapa's party holds 11 out of 205 members in the
House of Representatives, his position in the alliance is as par with Koirala's. Thapa may have heaved a sigh of relief, as
he has been harping the theme of national consensus for the last two years. For Koirala,
this is not an overnight political development, either. The Congress strongman floated the
idea when he was prime minister six months ago. However, he did not find any takers for
his 14-point national consensus proposal as long as he headed the government. But on the
afternoon of February 2, after three hours of discussions, the four political parties
endorsed the agenda for national consensus, positioning constitutional amendment as the
main plank. The country is in the midst of a state of
emergency, which is coming up for ratification in parliament. Against this backdrop, the
agreement struck by senior leaders of four national parties ó the Nepali Congress,
CPN-UML, RPP and Nepal Sadbhvana Party (NSP) ó sent out a strange message. Although the parties did not say whether they would
endorse the state of emergency, Koirala accepted the other participants' suggestion to
press Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to trim his 42-member cabinet. In a situation when various political
parties are involved in internal dissension, proposing a common agenda for national
consensus is easier said than done. As the four national parties have a combined 61-point
agenda, how they come out with a workable program acceptable to all remains to be seen.
The national consensus proposals include Nepali Congress's 14 points, Congress-UML's 17,
CPN-UML's 22, RPP's 6 and NSP's proposal of amending the constitution to pave the way for
easier distribution of citizenship certificates.
In the final analysis, Koirala has
the most to lose. How can Koirala justify his tireless campaign for a majority in the last
parliamentary elections when he is prepared to sacrifice the mandate given by the people?
If the local elections are held in a year as scheduled, how is Koirala going to ask for
votes? Will he ask the people to support the Nepali Congress or the broader democratic
alliance? "Koirala still has nation-wide
acceptance and strength and his party secured a majority in the last elections to solve
the national problems," says a political analyst. "How can Koirala now say that
he is no longer committed to the mandate of the people? This amounts to a betrayal of the
people." Koirala's followers see matters
differently. They support the Congress supremo's move on the ground that a broader
democratic alliance is nothing but a forum of various political parties that believe in
multiparty democracy and constitutional monarchy. "The proposal for a broader
democratic alliance is not directed against any individual or political party,"
Koirala said during his recent tour of the districts. "One of the aims of the
alliance is to support the government in its effort to restore law and order." Every political system requires minimum
understanding between major political parties on certain issues like economic programs,
political process and national security. But the consensus currently being sought in Nepal
risks pushing the country into another phase of political instability. What will be the position of the Nepali
Congress in a broader democratic alliance? What about the role of his party's government
led by Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba? "When Koirala cannot unite his own party
colleagues, how can he talk of unity with members of the RPP, three communist factions and
Nepal Sadbhavana Party?" asks a Congress insider. Koirala, who was victimized by the forces
of destabilization in the past, seems to be heading toward destabilize his one-time
protÈgÈ Deuba. Although Deuba came to power amid an opposition campaign to oust Koirala,
one cannot see the need of a leader of Koirala's stature to follow a similar route. "How can the president of the ruling
party announce that his party's majority in parliament cannot do anything to bring
normalcy in the country?" asks a Deuba loyalist. "If Koirala still has political
values, he must follow the party line." Koirala, a seasoned politician, has seen
many ups and downs, including conspiracies hatched by various political forces. He knows
how his last government was pulled down by the joint efforts of communist parties, the RPP
and his own party members. But what has prompted him to move against his own government
this time? As an active political worker, Koirala
obviously cannot remain an idle spectator to events. He will always be at the center of
politics. But where will his position be after joining a broader democratic alliance. Has
the Nepali Congress president consented to become just another member of an alliance
formed to bring normalcy in the country? "This is one of the major political
achievements of Girijababu, as he has shown his ability to bring all democratic political
factions in a broader democratic alliance," says Sushil Koirala, general secretary of
the Nepali Congress. Koirala claims that his proposal for a
broader democratic alliance is an extension of his elder brother B.P. Koirala's national
reconciliation policy. But no one sees a rational basis for that argument. B.P. Koirala
proposed national reconciliation to harmonize relations between political forces. But G.P.
Koirala's call has rocked the country's political foundations. "Koirala remains a key player of the
Nepalese politics and his role cannot be ignored, but how can he accept a role to
destabilize the whole political process by destabilizing his own government which was
elected through his own efforts?" asks senior advocate Mukunda Regmi. "I don't
understand why such a powerful man of Nepalese politics agreed to become a factional
leader in the midst of other parties." At a time when senior Congress leader and
former prime minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and others in the ruling party are yet to
endorse his proposal, how can Koirala assure other components that the Congress will lend
its support to the alliance. "First of all, there needs to be unity in the Nepali
Congress," says Regmi. "If there is unity in the Nepali Congress, the party
president will not have to go for a national alliance with others, as Koirala is still
respected in the party and the country." Whether Koirala is in power or outside, it
does not make any substantial difference to him. However, if Koirala becomes involved in
cheap political games, the country will lose political stability. For Koirala, the quest
for national consensus may bring some political advantage. But any alliance would reduce
the Nepali Congress from a majority party to a minor player. |
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editor: spotligh@mos.com.np |