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COVER STORY |
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COVER STORY |
POLITICAL COURSE With the appointment of the
chief elections commissioner and other commissioners, a door for the political settlement
has opened since prime minister can now recommend the date for new elections. Although
conducting elections at this juncture appear far-fetched from security point of view, the
announcement of poll dates can trigger a series of political events and force the hitherto
undetermined and undecided bunch of leaders to make political decision. For the political
leaders battling the internal party politics, the elections can also provide relief and
disperse the irritating coterie who are surrounding them and making their political career
difficult by acts of provocations and stupidity By KESHAB POUDEL Prime minister Surya Bahadur Thapa, a
strong and seasoned politician, is still surviving under the Damocle’s sword in the
form of his party’s disciplinary action. The president of the Rastriya Prajatantra
Party (RPP) Pashupati SJB Rana has already indicated that he will take action against
prime minister Thapa, RPP’s founding leader, whatever the political cost his party
will have to bear as consequences. Nepali Congress president and former prime
minister Girija Prasad Koirala seems to be strong in his public appearances but his real
position is also not very different from that of the prime minister Thapa. Koirala also
appears unable to determine his own course. His junior colleagues like Narahari Acharya
are compelling him to dance to their tune.
CPN-UML general secretary Madhav
Kumar Nepal is also in similar position. He is exercising his power through a small group
of coterie. Sandwiched between a rock and a hard place - two main rivals Bamdev Gautam and
K.P. Sharma Oli - Nepal does not have enough room to flex his political muscles. Internally, the leaders of national
political parties have to accommodate their colleagues who harbor varying ambitions and
varying agenda. At the national level also, the leaders are finding the environment
hostile to their interests. At national level politics, Koirala and Nepal are sharing
powers with tiny parties that have secured less than 2 percent of votes in the last
general elections. Since political leaders have already
declared that they are prepared to face the elections and take it as a part of their
struggle to restore democracy, it is up to the prime minister Thapa now to take that
decision. The international pressure is also mounting on Nepal regarding the need to hold
the elections to give power back to elected representatives. Just like the capital’s temperature is
fluctuating these days – from reaching minimum level in the morning to warmer range
in the daytime - the internal political disputes among political forces are also swinging
from one end to another. The course of political stabilization is still far away. In the
game of power struggle, however, the leaders are even ignoring their own interest. If they
are not struggling to protect their own interest, then what is this whole political battle
for? From prime minister Surya Bahadur Thapa to
Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala and CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal,
all of them need to concentrate on the protection of their political interest. However,
the ground reality is different. None of the actors seem to be pursuing its long-term
interest. By prolonging the instability and remaining adamant, none of them is helping the
country or, for that matter, their own parties. Course of Political Instability The political imbroglio of the present
period is not an isolated phenomenon or a first-of-its-kind case. Whether during the
period of party-less Panchayat system or multi-party democracy, Nepal’s internal
political situation has always been passing through upheavals and troubles. There were
only a few rare occasions when political forces had opted the course of reconciliation and
unity.
Major political turmoil was avoided
in 1980s when the country had leaders like B.P. Koirala who promoted the course of
reconciliation rather than confrontation. Just a few years after his death, his
predecessors chose confrontational way giving up hope for reconciliation. Although the country embraced the
multi-party system with democratic constitution in 1990, society and social institutions
lost their orderly systems, which could never be introduced again amid persisting
instability. Amid disorder and chaos, a leader holding the absolute majority was compelled
to resign. In a decade of experiments of multi-party democracy, almost all prime ministers
from strong and powerful Girija Prasad Koirala to Krishna Prasad Bhttarai, Man Mohan
Adhikary to younger generation Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, all faced similar fate
and their government fell in a course of political instability. In ten years period, which saw three
general elections, the House of Representatives changed prime minister ten times. Koirala
ruled for the longest time in his four different tenures aligning with RPP and CPN-UML. Interestingly, although Panchayat system
was termed as despotic, almost all prime ministers in Panchayat days had also faced
humiliating exits. So Panchayat or democracy, the only thing that was constant in Nepalese
politics was instability and chaos. From blocking the parliamentary proceedings
for 64 days of entire winter session in 2001 to calling general strikes side by side, main
opposition CPN-UML did nothing to contribute to the development of parliamentary norms and
practices. There was tendency of anarchist and irresponsible opposition coupled with
authoritarian governments. From rightist RPP to centrist Nepali
Congress, all of them followed the model set up by the leftist CPN-UML. Whenever they were
in opposition, the tendency was anarchist and irresponsible. Even as they switched hats,
they never changed their tendencies. King’s Experiment King Gyanendra’s experiment of
appointing prime minister on his own to deliver good governance and stable government has
suffered similar blows like all other previous times in the past. His first appointed
prime minister Lokendra Bahadur Chand resigned just after seven months and his second
appointee Thapa is now facing political troubles not only from outside but from within his
own party. Interestingly, prime minister Thapa’s present rivals are not the so called
hardliners of Panchayat days but those who supported him during the difficult days in
Panchayat.
Till there was elected parliament,
which was active lodging and dislodging its leaders (prime minister), the monarch did not
have to bear any responsibility. The situation has changed now – the appointed prime
minister will reap all the benefit of good delivery while the institution of monarchy will
have to take responsibilities for bad performance. Had the system been allowed to function
properly, it would have automatically acted on its own. Once the system breaks, it will be
difficult to re-generate faith on it. As RPP has already demanded the resignation of prime
minister Thapa and other political parties are also demanding all party government under
another political leader, no body knows what choices the monarch will have now. Longer the institution of monarchy - which
is one of the strengths and pillars of Nepal - involves in political controversy, more the
unpopular responsibilities it will have to bear on the part of prime ministers. Widening Gap Political parties, too, are not exhibiting
any kind of gesture to end the political stalemate from their side. If they want to see
some steps taken by the monarch, they must show certain signs of reconciliation.
Instead of speaking reconciliatory
words, these leaders are found uttering unnecessarily provocative remarks against the
institution of monarchy even going to the extent of harping the slogan of republic. In
this process, the parties have announced two days protest. In the last one year,
political leaders’ actions have helped to widen the gap with monarch. Political parties argue that they will
snatch power from monarchy. Prime minister Thapa, who has claimed that he has secured
executive power, too, is asking for support from others to exercise it. Despite his
suggestions in appointment of chief elections commissioner and elections commissioners,
King has also shown his limitation in the course of settling the political deadlock and
bringing the country back to right track. From King Gyanendra to prime minister Thapa
and Congress leader Koirala to CPN-UML general secretary Nepal, all forces are bonded
under the present constitution. However, whenever Koirala and Nepal try to make
concessions, smaller parties come to pose as obstacles by calling them as being agents of
regression. Likewise, the monarch’s moves seem to be blocked by other elements. “If political leaders want to share
power with monarchy, they must encourage monarch to take their side by not using
provocative remarks and uttering radical agendas,” said a political analyst. “If
political leaders continue to speak in such languages, there is no possibility of the King
and political forces coming closer.” Prime Minister’s Move In his last leg of political career, prime
minister Thapa, who is in trouble himself, has chosen to tread carefully respecting the
sensitivities of other political parties. But he, too, seems to be bound by certain
compulsions. Just as prime minister Thapa was uttering
tones of reconciliation, his party suddenly issued a statement asking for his resignation.
This call of resignation pushed the country to another direction. His two ministers Kamal Thapa and Dr.
Prakash Chandra Lohani also seem to be taking the course into another direction by hitting
hard at rivals in the party as well as outside. Prime minister Thapa is unfortunately
trapped in this quagmire as one of his most trusted lieutenants and political spin-doctor
Rabindra Nath Sharma, who could have acted towards reconciliation, is in prison under
charges of graft. Whatever the move of prime minister Thapa
may be, the country’s political deadlock seems to be heading towards more complicated
stage. How Long Will Be The Wait “Can it be an excess to say we want
harmony? How long would you want to wait and see before the normalcy returns? Hatred and
enmity between the political forces is the lesson we all want to learn?” asked
another political commentator. “There must be certain political compromises without
any delay.” “Does this prolonging instability mean
that are we incapable of reaching to solution? After all, in whose interest are we playing
this political game? Exercise of power at the cost of people cannot be acceptable.
Politics is a game to maximize personal interest and limiting the influence of others. But
politicians are playing suicidal game here. Can’t they come together and persuade
each other and come to certain common ground. How long do they want to let down people by
simply expressing excuses and blaming each other?” asked the commentator.
“If they cannot do it what is
the purpose of leadership and responsibility of leadership. As a layman, I am least
bothered about who is at fault and who is not. I want to see the process of coming to the
right track, accommodation and recognition of political forces,” he added. As all political forces are in the course
of internal battle, they have to accuse outside forces to avert it. Although such process
helps to widen the gap, political leaders feel respite from internal wrangling. Desperate and frustrated, political leaders
are in a course to discredit each other to retain certain influence. Political process has
begun to look like a hate campaign. No body seems to utilize their strength to harmonize
their own interest. “It is up to the King to choose the
political course. If he agrees to play constitutional role, we don’t want to have
anything to do with him. Our only concern is to bring the constitution right to the
track,” said Nepali Congress leader Koirala. The Institution of Monarchy In the last 14 months of political chaos
and instability, the institution of monarchy, which is still one of the most popular and
deeply rooted institutions, has been involved in direct conflict with political parties.
Although King Gyanendra dismissed prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba by using
extra-constitutional power, his action was endorsed by a large number of people on the
ground of his traditional legitimacy. This traditional legitimacy is the strength
of the country but political forces are trying to diminish this role. The institution of
monarchy is an emergency light, which is needed for protection to use at a time of major
crisis. Nepal does not have any other widely accepted institution than the monarchy since
it is based on the habit and tradition of Nepalese people. Political leaders are now critical to
monarchy but they also know that it can play important role to strengthen the democratic
process. One cannot expect the democracy without monarchy but monarchy, in any forms, will
be there without democracy. Although the country has gone through very
crucial phase of insurgency, it did not have to face major social upheaval. Sandwiched
between two major Asian powers, monarchy is an only institution in Nepal on which both
these powers can rely on. With the appointment of chief elections
commissioner, prime minister Surya Bahadur Thapa has indicated that he might fix elections
date. At a time when none of the country’s
political leaders including prime minister Thapa are in a position to decide
country’s political fate on their own, there is a requirement to build certain
understanding to overcome the political crisis. Six months have already passed since the
appointment of second prime minister Thapa with the mandate to hold elections, but the
country is yet to see any possibility of return of the House of Representatives any time
soon. Nomination at Local Bodies After the lapse of more than a year at
local level, the government has already nominated members at the District Development
Committees and municipalities. Since the appointment at DDCs and municipalities is a good
sign to generate the activities, the uncertainty prevailing at the center has affected
them. Despite their limitation as appointed leaders, they can definitely bring certain
changes. “The government is planning to hold
the elections of the local bodies any time soon,” said Sarbendra Nath Shukla,
minister of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation. “We are discussing the matter with
legal experts.” The process of local development has
already kicked off in the municipal areas. In the last one month, mayors of Kathmandu,
Lalitpur and Thimi have already begun the drive to accelerate the development activities. As newly nominated chairman and vice
chairman of DDCs have also started their functions, development works seem to have found a
new pace. There are more than 3900 Village Development Committees. In many such VDCs, the
government has not yet nominated heads. Likewise, with the decision to send regular
mobile administrative teams at different villages and nomination of representatives at
local bodies like Village Development Committees (VDCs), Municipalities and District
Development Committees (DDCs), the government has begun a move to enter rural hinterland.
In the last one month, mobile administrative teams have already visited many
constituencies of western region to provide basic services to the rural population and
such units will visit more other villages. “The government will nominate
remaining DDCs chief and will also nominate the political representatives at the VDCs
level,” said Kamal Thapa, Minister for Information and Communication and Local
Development. “The last 18 months of experiences have shown that there requires
political workers to effectively carry out development works at village level.” According to National Census 2001, 23
million out of total 26 million population live in rural areas. With the expiry of tenure
of elected representatives of 3914 Village Development Committees VDCs, 58 Municipalities
and 75 District Development Committees 18 months ago, these bodies had been functioning
under the control of government employees. Constitutional or Political Crisis Since the present crisis is a political in
nature, one must find political solution keeping constitution away from such
controversies. Once the constitutional forces agree on political terms, the constitutional
process will automatically resume. “For political failure, one cannot seek
constitutional solution,” said a political commentator. In the process of political instability and
uncertainty, the whole economic and other development process has been pushed to the back
seat. Sooner the political process begins, better for the country’s overall
development. “Disturbance occurs not only in
periods of decay and decline of society but in periods of blossoming and healthy growth.
What is crucial is the social cultural network of values and relations: when the network
is integrated and strong, disturbance are at a minimum,” writes Pitirim A.Sororokin,
a world-renowned American sociologist. |
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editor: spotligh@mos.com.np |
