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| OPNION |
Private Sector Participation in the Power Sector Lessons Learnt/Unlearnt So Far By MP Pradhan & SB Pun After the lenders, IFC and the private
sector window of the ADB, had the "signed, sealed and done" power purchase
agreements (PPAs) of Khimti and Bhote Kosi, a staff of the World Bank (IDA) who was
appraising the Power Development Fund (PDF) casually commented that these PPAs were
examples of how exactly Not To Do the PPAs. Both these plants have been in operation for
over a year now. The experience indicates HMG indulging too much on promoting developers
instead of the markets, NEA in a sour mood but continuing with the "take or pay"
mode, our Rastra Bank grudgingly dishing out the valuable foreign exchange, the two
developers despite their "pocketful of monies" grumbling about the
"continuing risks" and the two major lenders wondering whether the
exorbitant interest rates they charged are sending the right signals or not. These two
private sector projects have taught valuable lessons for all. It is more the question of
whether we have learnt or unlearnt them. Permit us to tick below the three major agencies
involved in this learning/unlearning process: i. The Regulator, Electricity
Tariff Fixation Commission (ETFC): One may say that the regulator, in the true
sense, was virtually non-existent in our power sector. The developer could literally, in
the name of foreign investment, rampage through the Secretaries, Ministers, NPC members
and even the Prime Minister in the manner they wished. Our Electricity Act 2049 stipulates
that HMGN "shall constitute a Tariff Fixation Commission for the purpose of fixing
electricity tariff and other charges". The scope of fixing electricity price by the
Commission is then narrowed down to the "selling price of the electricity to be
utilized in the national electric system or the system of NEA Ö.". The Commission
was mandated, either conveniently or through ignorance, to deal with the Retail Price of
NEA and NOT the Whole Price of the IPPs. The fathers of the Act and the Policy went ahead
to encircle the ETFC within the bounds of the "covenants as agreed between the Donors
and HMGN" in tariff setting. After the Khimti episode, when NEA requested the then
EDC that both the organizations put their heads together in dealing with the Bhotekoshi
PPA, NEA was categorically warned not to involve them at all. It was NEA's perception that
the attempts with more heads will result in a better PPA, with a tariff beneficial to the
consumers and the country as a whole. But EDC, in its eagerness to promote the private
sector, ostensibly wore the mantle of the "neutral umpire" which ETFC should
actually have been entrusted with. It is now felt that DOED, as the licensing authority,
should do the IPP's first Project cost pruning to be followed up with further pruning by
NEA during PPA negotiation and finally by the Tariff Commission during the PPA approval.
This way the "gold plating" of the Project cost, that affect the tariff, would
be regulated to a large extent. Ten years down the road, the revised Hydropower Policy
2001 has now mandated the Commission to oversee the Whole Sale price as well i.e the
private developers' selling price to NEA. ii. The Licensor, MOWR/Department
of Electricity Development (DOED): Though in theory the Ministry of Water
Resources (MOWR) issues the license, it is in practice, the DOED, that deals, interacts
and finally recommends for approval the developer's license to the MOWR. One of the major
tasks entrusted to DOED is the promotion of the private sector which some view as being
pursued too religiously with the Mullah-like zeal, irrespective of the consequence to the
country. For an example, just take a peep at the mid-nineties' period when the American
IPP, Energy Initiative, came to Nepal to pick up the license for the 144 Mw Kali Gandaki
A. When NEA argued that this was too big an IPP project for its system, incurring unduly
heavy outflow of foreign exchange from the country, the immediate response of the then EDC
was that private sector promotion was their concern not the foreign exchange outflow. The
intense rivalry between the two agencies was in full display here. With the lady American
ambassador putting her full weight behind the IPP and MOWR awaiting instructions from
higher ups, Kali Gandaki A developed into a very hot potato. This is generally how
"privatization " works in the developing countries. Ultimately, Rodney Addison
of the ADB itself and Dr. Niranjan Kapali had to literally plead with the lady Ambassador
to leave this in the Public Sector domain. The other classic example of private sector
promotion is the "la affaire" with the American giant, Enron, for the 10,800 Mw
Karnali Chisapani. When DPM, Ms Shailja Acharya, wrote to the Enron executive, HD Ramm, to
defer their license application until a suitable environment (read downstream benefits) is
created, all hell broke loose. Our Parliamentarians were so much "educated" with
the virtues of private sector and foreign investment that even her own Congress Party
wailed and bemoaned that she had killed the goose that would have surely laid the golden
eggs. Recent unfolding Enron events have revealed that private sector, especially in the
electricity infrastructure, needs to be nurtured with "caution and care". Their
motive is quite clear: profit and more profits. Even with the best stringent regulatory
eyes of the American laws, the escapades of Enron, Arthur Anderson and WorldCom do escape.
Some even go to the extent of charging Enron with reaping sinful profits from the
Californian price hikes and causing the power blackouts. One can only conjecture what
damages Nepal would have incurred if our Parliamentarians' supposed golden goose, Enron,
had drowned clutching the Karnali Chisapani license. We firmly believe that too much promotion
has been done on the licensing part. In July 2000, DOED opened the "floodgates"
to private sector by licensing seven 1100 Mw worth of projects: 402 Mw Arun III to
California based EuroOrient, 20 MW Budi Ganga to India's Birla, 51 Mw Likhu Khola-4 to
Australia's Pacific Hydro, 101 Mw Tamor-Mewa to US Combined Energies, 301 Mw Dudh Koshi to
Canada's ASTQ Holdings, 60 Mw Kankai to France's Coyne Et Beller and 176 Mw Andhi Khola to
Nepalese joint venture with EuroOrient. The chest thumping by the EuroOrient executive,
Ron Nechemia and the local Nepalese agent of about eight or nine on-going projects in
India and the spade work for the"immediate digging" in the Arun valley are still
fresh in our minds. Our then Prime Minister, GP Koirala, even gave his valuable time slot
to Mr. Nechemia to extend his "commitment to help this project to start as soon as
possible". Two years down the road, we can only sigh in dismay like the Chairman of a
District Development Committee who belatedly realized that the licenses of all his
district's rivers were safely lodged in the pockets of never-heard-of weird developers.
The Project Agreements of DOED have generally been perceived as being too "developer
friendly". It is high time that the new generation of Project Agreements with the
developers be more sensitive to the requirements of the locals (project affected or not
affected) if equity and justice is to be practiced. It is also high time that DOED instead
of running to the lenders and developers in Washington, Toronto, London and Paris they
should rethink and meditate on their strategies. With the advent of Kali Gandaki A, Nepal
has begun to suffer from an excess energy of about 1,000 million units per year. So why
not just stroll down to Delhi, Chandigarh, Jaipur, Lucknow and Patna to promote and create
markets? Promoting lenders and developers, the policy assiduously followed so far, will
have to be matched equally with promoting markets both within and outside Nepal.
iii. The Utility, NEA: NEA, now in its eighteenth year, is
perceived by many as being an old, decrepit organization incapable of delivering the
services. The recent reorganization of NEA is in all probability the precursor of the
creation of smaller units as mandated in the revised Hydropower Policy (2001). This
unbundling has its own contradictions particularly in a tiny system of less than 600 Mw.
Ceylon Electricity Board, note Ceylon and not Sri Lanka, created in 1969 handles a system
of 1800 Mw. Whatever NEA's deficiencies and inequities, it still is considered to be a
credit worthy institution, thanks to the donors' hefty tariff increase dosages. It was
precisely due to this creditworthiness that the Karmachari Sanchay Kosh stepped forward to
finance the first public/private joint 20 Mw Chilime venture. Sanchay Kosh, as the
repository of the employees' salary, saw Chilime with the NEA tag as a safe venture. Older
executives in the Butwal Power Company would recall that it was NEA that bailed them out
when they were in financial crisis due to their 14% share investment in Khimti. We believe
that Khimti and Bhotekoshi developers would also like to see a strong NEA, with the
present status quo retained at least until their 12-year debt-servicing period are over.
The present much vaunted policy of the IPPs realizing their revenues from the Grid who
then get them from the Distribution companies are fine in theory. But when it comes to the
implementation crunch, like in Orissa for instance, the Distribution companies could not
pay the Grid and in return the IPPs. The Orissa model has, hence, created more friction
and animosities among the many new players. We must not unlearn this experience of others. There is no doubting that NEA must reform,
improve its efficiency and be responsive to the requirements of its consumers and the
nation as a whole. The juggling with the unbundling must not be seen as the end in itself.
No matter how carefully you select the size, shape and label of the bottle, it is
ultimately the contents within the bottle that will determine the performance of the
institution. If the mindset of the NEA employees do not change for the better then the
"tharra will always be the tharra" no matter in what bottle you encapsulate it.
Similarly, if the likes of the same NEA Board masters rule the roost in these unbundled
organizations, then restructuring will serve no purpose, none at all. Consider the October
2001 power purchase agreement that NEA concluded with a weird humanitarian French
organization, Elysee Frontier, for the 300 Mw Upper Karnali. Like the EuroOrient of Arun
III, there was much euphoria about NEA receiving a fabulous 30% equity for not a dime's
investment. Not only did the NEA Board clear this murky deal hurriedly, even the Cabinet
Committee on Fast Track Projects had no qualms in approving this non-transparent deal in
the "fastest track" possible. Traditionally, the marriage of our Nepalese boys
and girls are never approved without first undergoing the thorough genealogy, ancestry and
chinha scrutiny tests. The NEA Board and the Cabinet Committee apparently never bothered
to follow this age-old proven tradition: the investor's antecedents, its credit worthiness
and the balance sheets. But this tradition, of course, has no value when the boy and girl
have a love affair and elope. Apparently, the only explanation for this hasty runaway PPA
deal is the same kind of intense boy and girl love affair between Elysee and the
government/NEA. That is why it has now ended up in a ludicrous fiasco. The government must
govern and not don the cap of the businessman. iv. The Final Word: It is quite normal for all of us to ask, in
the final count, where exactly are the likes of EuroOrient and Elysee Frontier.
Appropriate lessons must be imbibed from them by the concerned agencies. Despite the
interagency rivalry and the bashing resorted to above, we must not belittle their
achievements in promoting the private sector so far. Besides Khimti, Bhotekoshi and
Indrawati, the 20 Mw Chilime and the 3 Mw Piluwa are shortly due for commissioning making
an impressive 127 Mw, aside from the 17 Mw of Andhi Khola and Jhimruk, in a system that
barely has a peaking load of 440 Mw. Though nothing has materialized by opening the
floodgates to 1100 Mw worth of seven projects, the silver lining is that DOED has for the
first time set the precedent of licensing based on international competitive bidding and
refrained from the usual, behind the scene, MOU route licensing. Similarly NEA must be
given due credit for announcing the flat buy back rates of NRs 3/- and NRs 4/25 for the
wet and dry seasons respectively with an annual 6% escalation with 1998/99 as the base
year for the under 5 Mw plants. This has triggered a flurry of positive activities in the
local developers, contractors and the financial institutions. This kind of transparency
should be exhibited by the larger developers also who invariably guard themselves through
the "Confidentiality" clause in the PPAs. Once the PPA is "signed, sealed
and done", this should become a public document by law. All the concerned players
will then be forced to play the game of negotiation in an accountable manner. Indian laws
stipulate that PPAs should be public documents. Finally, with a decade of experience, the
legal and regulatory framework better placed, the government and NEA more wiser, it is
expected that future Project Agreements and Power Purchase Agreements will exhibit more
symptoms of the famous "level playing field" concept. (Pun is former Managing Director of
Nepal Electricity Authority and Pradhan heads the NEA's distribution department) |
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editor: spotligh@mos.com.np |