National 4 (Spotlight Weekly)

“We Would Certainly Like To See Reconciliation Between The Constitutional Forces”

— Keith Bloomfield

Keith Bloomfield is the Ambassador of the United Kingdom to Nepal. He spoke to KESHAB POUDEL and SANJAYA DHAKAL on various issues relating to bilateral relations as well as present political developments in the country. Excerpts:

Nepal and the United Kingdom have a long history of friendly relations. What is the state of the relation at the moment?

The state of our relationship is excellent. I feel very privileged to have been appointed as the British Ambassador to Nepal. We have a very long history of friendship. I think it is also true that we are seen as being disinterested; nobody really seriously suspects us of having sinister geo-strategic interests in this country.

Nepal has adopted the parliamentary form of multiparty democracy for more than twelve years. How do you evaluate the role of Nepalese monarchy in the present political set up?

I believe that the fundamentals of the 1990 Constitution are still sound. The biggest threat comes from the Maoists. So the priority in this country, at this moment, is peace. And for that, all the constitutional forces have to work together.

How do you find the process of democratization in Nepal?

Democracy is essential for this country. I believe there is a very strong support for democracy among the people. Political parties, of course, are an essential element. In the context of the current crisis they must be in a position to fight and to win an election which is contested by the Maoists. So, it is important that they are strengthened rather than weakened.

There were reports that ambassadors of some of our friendly countries had tried to bridge the gap between the political parties and the King. What is the situation now?

Well, we would certainly like to see reconciliation between the constitutional forces including the King and the political parties. So far as Nepal’s international friends are concerned, we all share a common interest in a stable, prosperous and democratic Nepal. The biggest threat to that, at the moment, comes from the Maoists. Their use of violence for political ends and doubts about their long-term commitment to parliamentary democracy are things which we and other international friends are very worried about. But it is for the Nepalese themselves to patch up their differences – we can only offer friendly advice.

What do you think are the causes for resentments for the Maoists to take up arms against the state? What must be done to restore normalcy?

Britain sees the conflict in Nepal as a multi-dimensional one. There are fundamental causes of the conflict, which we believe need to be addressed. Issues such as social exclusion, exclusion of women and the ethnic minorities – these need to be seriously addressed in order to find a long-term solution. We believe they should be addressed as a part of a wide-ranging negotiation. We do not believe that the Maoists who are seeking change through violence can be allowed to win through violence. It is important that the government itself wins over the people by to addressing these issues.

There is a feeling that the common Nepali seems to be greatly disillusioned with the present political system due to the unscrupulous behavior of Nepali politicians. Can you suggest any measure to cleanse the vicious atmosphere in Nepal?

Corruption is, certainly, a very important issue. It is essential that it is addressed with vigour. It is not for me to determine how political parties choose their leaders but I would suggest that the issue of corruption should be very high on their agenda when it comes to selection of candidates.

We have seen that in the name of controlling corruption, there has been tendency to flout the laws. Even some cases have been lodged at the Supreme Court in this regard. Do you think it is proper to just send people to prison without due process of law?

Well, if your question refers to the CIAA, which is a constitutionally constituted body, I am not sure they are flouting the law. The fact that some politicians do not like what they do, is not a reason to attack the CIAA.

We are not challenging the authority of the CIAA and there is a need to eradicate the corruption. But when unaccountable body is allowed to run all the show by arresting people without following due process law, what can be the remedy?

Of course, nobody is above the law and anybody who violates the law must be prosecuted. I think there are weaknesses in the justice system here in the same way as the corruption is a weakness in the body politic. It is the duty of the government and the legal system to ensure that the law is upheld.

The U.K., the U.S.A. and India are said to be closely working to solve the Maoist imbroglio. Could you elaborate the plans in this regard?

Well, as I said, we do share a common interest in stable Nepal and the integration of the Maoists in the normal political system. That would require rejection of violence and that would require an espousal of multiparty and parliamentary democracy. As far as Britain is concerned, we spend Rs 50 crore per annum in Nepal, mostly on development assistance. Most of that development assistance is going to the poorest parts of the country and to the conflict-affected areas, because we believe that is the way to address the fundamental causes of the conflict.

In the uncertain situation prevailing in Nepal, do you think the monarchy should exercise decisive authority till the next elected government takes over?

The constitution provides a role for a constitutional monarchy. I think everybody agrees that ultimately the best way out of the constitutional crisis is through elections. Certainly, as a constitutional monarchy and a democracy, Britain would have no quarrel with that.

Do you see the possibility of holding elections at this juncture?

I don’t think it is intended that the elections should take place tomorrow. But, maybe, local elections in the six months’ time or so. I can’t say what the situation would be like in six months’ time. It is fairly obvious that there needs to be support from political parties for elections to be held and there needs to be a calm security situation.

How do you look at the recent High Court (of London) verdict on the Gurkha pension scheme?

I believe it’s a victory for the British government and a victory for Nepal. I keep saying that the Gurkha issue is not about pay and pensions. In fact, these have never seriously been challenged. Nor, incidentally, has anybody challenged my statement to the press conference recently that Gurkha pension are, in fact, very generous by Nepalese standards. So, we would say that the High Court verdict is an excellent beginning from which we can build the future Gurkha links with this country.

How do you see the future of Gurkha in British army? Will Britain continue to recruit Gurkha army?

We very much hope so. The Nepalese soldiers are the backbone of our army. They are extremely good soldiers. We look forward to continuing this link.

How effective have been the welfare programme initiated to benefit retired Gurkha soldiers?

The Gurkha connection, when you add up all the different elements - the remittances, pensions and welfare schemes - comes to a total of Rs 830 crore per annum. This is of tremendous benefit for the Nepalese economy quite apart from the goodwill the Gurkha connection generates in the U.K.

Recently, a British Lt. Colonel was abducted by the Maoists and was later released. How do you see this incident?

Abductions are to be condemned in any circumstances. We certainly condemn these latest abductions which included a British citizen. We are pleased that they let everyone out safely and have since apologized. I think they must now make absolutely sure that it never happens again.

At a time of insurgency, how is the DFID tailoring its development assistance to Nepal?

It has become difficult for the aid agencies to work in certain areas of the country in the face of extortion, threats and, in some cases, attacks by the Maoists. However, the DFID programme, which is going on in the poorest and the most conflict-affected areas, is continuing to extend and expand. It is a very large programme even by British standards. The total amount is around Rs 400 crore per annum. Mostly focused in areas of west and mid-west region, and institution-building programmes in the capital.

It is a common belief here in Nepal that India could play a significant role in subduing the Maoist insurgency. Would you like to make any comment?

India is already playing a very positive role not only through military assistance but in all sorts of other ways. As I said before, I think India shares with us the fundamental perception of the conflict here.

Britain has a long experience of dealing with insurgency in Northern Ireland. How do you think can the effect of the insurgency be minimized?

In Northern Ireland we learnt the hard way that a military solution is not possible and that one has to tackle the fundamental causes as well. And that ultimately the aim has to be to bring peace through negotiation. I very much hope that this is also the policy here. Otherwise, Nepal faces a very long, bitter and costly war.

As Nepal is situated between two great Asian powers – India and China, how do you see the escalation of the conflict affecting them?

Certainly, the two nations are watching very anxiously the development of the conflict here and, I think, share both our analysis of the problem and our desire to help Nepal come through this conflict. You can see that the influence of your two neighbours has been a very positive one.