A Week That Changed The History of Nepali Congress
With the completion of the eleventh party convention, Nepali Congress (NC) comes up with a new ideology giving up its five-decade-long objective. For NC leadership, it took just a week to change the history of their party and their objective on Constitutional Monarchy – which was retained throughout the history including during armed revolution or the days of autocratic Panchayat system. Facing a shrewd and calculated machination through the press and agencies’ propaganda capabilities, if a party of sixty years of hardened commitment can change its policies in a coup d'état style, what one can expect from other political parties in a very volatile and fragile political context of Nepal? The message of Congress convention is clear: there will continue the conflict and hatred between Nepal’s political forces in the coming days.
By KESHAB POUDEL
On the morning of 31 August 2005, treasurer of Nepali Congress Mahantha Thakur, who has been harping the slogan of republic for quite a long time including during his recent brief self-imposed exile to India proposed an amendment in the preamble of the party’s constitution to remove its commitment to constitutional monarchy. The amendment of such a historically important objective was endorsed by the jamboree of more than 1300 members. Chaired by Congress president Girija Prasad Koirala, whose inner mind still seems to favor the basic objective of party’s earlier preamble, forwarded the proposal without any argument.
Unlike other constitutional amendment proposals, Thakur’s proposal was declared approved on the floor the same evening without any discussion and opposition. In presence of Republican Narahari Acharya, Thakur’s proposal passed without any opposition except the walk-out by Shailaja Acharya. “We were not given time to discuss on the agenda. Mahanta Thakur’s agenda was prepared by an alliance formed on the night of 30 August which included all the newly elected members of Central Committee except Shailaja Acharya,” said a former central committee member on condition of anonymity. “The group did not tolerate anybody even those candidates who have softened stand over the monarchy.”
Nobody knows how many party workers of Nepali Congress - who sought the votes from the people showing their commitment to multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy - are happy over the decision but Nepal’s extremist leftist forces – whose sole agenda was to create the rift among moderate forces, congratulated Congress leader Koirala - who attended the mass agitation in Basantapur and fainted due to police manhandling in New Road on September 3.
Nepali Congress, along with six other parties, have already shown what will be their target in coming days by battling with police in the streets of Kathmandu defying the prohibition orders.
Actually, it is not an octogenarian Koirala’s choice but he was compelled to choose the course of confrontation since extreme rightist elements with monarch cornered him threatening to ruin his political career. Although extreme rightists are with the King and extreme leftists with Girija Prasad Koirala, they have similar objective – to continue to create the rift.
“This agitation is going to be final. After successful completion of our convention, our party is now revitalized and ready to launch any agitation against authoritarian monarchy,” thundered Koirala – whose family members are known for their political maturity, decency in language and comment – using all kinds of cheap and un-parliamentary words against monarchy in Baneshwore just to receive cheers from populist mob.
This is what the rightist elements in the palace prefer. Interestingly, the choice of words used by extremist leftists is similar to those used by extreme rightists as if both of them have a secret dealing to trap a centrist party like Nepali Congress – whose identity is under threat because of its tilt towards the extremists.
“We are happy that Nepali Congress finally joined our platform. We have to treat Nepali Congress as our brethren,” echoed Amik Sherchan, leader of United People’s Front, a radical leftist outfit. “Girijababu is now our leader.”
Despite the words and contents of King Gyanendra’s recent interview – which too were not at par with the decorum and decency of Nepal’s longest serving institution of stability and identity - rightists in King’s camp are projecting as if the interview has been an image-booster for the King. Actually, Nepalese people respect and put complete faith in the person who ascends to the throne and this has been their long-developed habit.
In their lifetime, late King Mahendra and late King Birendra always maintained Royal decency and took care in choosing the words they used as they did not speak statements provoking the other side. Late King Mahendra, who dismissed the elected parliament and put elected prime minister behind the bar, was always conscious about the words he used.
It is impossible to justify the low-grade words used by octogenarian and matured politician like Koirala - who has had a long innings in the politics of Nepal and was prime minister several times in the past – against the monarch and monarchy. Strangely, it was the extreme leftist elements that ruined Koirala’s political career during his tenure as a prime minister in the last twelve years by accusing him from being anti-national to corrupt. And now the same lot has rediscovered him as a new messiah.
Amendment Of Party’s Constitution
Although extreme leftists, in public, and extreme rightists, in private, hailed the amendment of preamble of the Party’s constitution, it was a black day in the history of Nepali Congress when knowingly and unknowingly even senior leader Koirala and his family members were trapped in calculated machinations forcing them to accept the amended version of constitution.
Living Thought of a Dead Leader
“….Dharanidhar-dai wondered how nice it would be for him to bring the king and me closer and strike a reconciliation between us? (But) what kind of reconciliation? All of a sudden, I was arrested along with my colleagues. Suddenly, an authoritarian rule of an individual had been imposed in the country. Suddenly, the country which had been heading towards a definite goal faced a major hurdle on the road. A serious crisis had been created for no reason. Why? What had I done to provoke the king into taking such a drastic step? I don’t think I committed any mistake. Dr. (Tulsi) Giri told me that the king was jealous of me. Why? I am a staunch advocate of the king. Why jealousies and ill-will? I argued with him (Giri). No matter how much sufferings I had been subjected to; no matter how seriously my faith had been shattered; no matter how much I had been betrayed due to the events of December 15, 1960, I still believe that the country needs a democratic system where the king and the parliament have cordial relations with each other. It is the king’s blunder to consider ruling the country by royal decree on the strength of the military force alone. It is also equally a big mistake to ignore the king in the prevailing situation of the country. It is only through a reconciliation between the two forces that the country can move ahead; national development carried out and the country’s international prestige enhanced. The atrocities committed against us do naturally breed deep bitterness. A wave of anger also flows which tempts me to declare the need for a republican regime, disregarding its implications for the country and the people. But it is not possible to think about the country out of a wave of anger. Thoughts stemming from such a wave are as foolish and selfish as were inherent in the royal move of December 15. The events of Poush 1 have not changed my long-held belief about what role the king should have in our politics….” (Page 21 and 22 on 1-1-3- 1961, “Jail Journal” by B.P. Koirala) |
Led by Nepali Congress leader Ram Chandra Poudel, who was home minister during two crucial events including the Hrithik Roshan episode and Palace massacre and whose past derogatory comments against monarchy were testimony to his stand, an unholy alliance included some known figures like Arjun Narsingh K.C, Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat, Mahanta Thakur, Mahesh Acharya, Baldev Sharma Majgaiya, Khum Bahadur Khadka, Sushil Koirala, Chakra Prasad Bastola and Bhim Bahadur Tamang working behind the scene.
To boast the cause of their amendment, this group, all of a sudden, brought out the portrait of late Congress leader Subarna Sumsher whose followers are known for their extreme stand against monarchy. The Congress’ legendary leader late B.P. Koirala’s faith and commitment to institution of monarchy remained unquestioned in his entire political career. Even during his imprisonment in military barracks, his words expressed in Jail Journal are testimony to his faith and belief in monarchy. (See Box)
Actually, this new alliance was formed just two weeks before the beginning of national convention and almost all of them got elected in the central committee except Narahari Acharya and some youths. This group first lodged the protest with Koirala at his residence forcing him to accept their demand.
Even the diehard supporters of Girija Prasad Koirala and joint general secretary Govinda Raj Joshi – who sided with Koirala three years ago challenging the letter of Commission of Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) to rescue helpless leader- were sacrificed in broader design.
G.P. Koirala’s Utility
Girija Prasad Koirala has still many utilities in Nepalese politics. Provided a good political sign, he is still a person with negotiating skill. Being a brother of B.P. Koirala and his comrade-in-arms, his legacy always stops him from moving to the absolutely extreme end.
Despite shifting its stand, Koirala – who sacrificed all his life for the cause of liberal democracy and nationalism - still commands Nepali Congress. Along with his extremist colleagues, the credit to push Koirala into extremist side goes to the chief of Commission of Investigation of Abuse of Authority Surya Nath Upadhyaya and Chief of Royal Commission for Corruption Control Bhakta Bahadur Koirala.
The political vengeance pushed Koirala to accept the terms and conditions proposed by extreme leftists. Despite his nonsense utterances, the institution of monarchy will not have better politician than Koirala to negotiate with. After Koirala, the monarchy will not have easy time dealing with the leader like Sushil Koirala, Ram Chandra Poudel and Shailaja Acharya and so on.
The critics of Koirala including Poudel, Mahesh Acharya, Chakra Prasad Bastola, Bhim Bahadur Tamang and Baldev Sharma Majgaiya, who reportedly pressed Koirala to go attend the CIAA received Koirala’s backing at the cost of Joshi, who was still facing the charges of corruption in special court. Interestingly, Khum Bahadur Khadka – who split the party three years ago along with Sher Bahadur Deuba and involved in numbers of scandals - was rewarded by Koirala and was including in his team. Khadka – during whose tenure as a home minister the Maoist began their violent activities - also demanded the republican state in the party’s central committee.
“The senior leader reportedly issued a whip at convention distributing the list of official candidates, which was prepared on the basis of the support given during informal meeting to amend the party’s constitution. Shailaja Acharya’s name was inducted in the list hoping that her victory will maintain certain neutrality,” said a party insider.
Nepali Congress elected new officials including the party present Koirala for his third consecutive tenure but its decision to amend the constitution omitting the reference to the constitutional monarchy in its preamble has firmly placed the party along with other leftist extremist parties.
The centrist space – which is the choice of overwhelming majority of Nepalese - is vacant now since there is no party to fill the gap. This is an ideal situation to discard the democratic process.
Final Burial Of B.P’s Ideology
This time Koirala family has increased its number in the central committee along with B.P. Koirala’s physician son Dr. Shashanka Koirala. The convention was held with a big portrait of B.P. Koirala in the background. But that was about all the party did to remember its charismatic late leader.
“No one is supposed to claim to be the true follower of B.P’s ideals than his brother, sons and all other blood relations in the leadership. But nobody can be a better judge than the common people who have not yet forgotten B.P. Koirala’s role in the democratization of Nepal,” said an analyst. “It is the ideal not statue or portraits that prove the relevance of B.P. Koirala’s thought. B.P. Koirala was the first elected prime minister of the first parliament in 1959. After his 18-months tenure in the office, he was suddenly put into the military custody, which continued for almost eight years.”
The parliamentary democracy was replaced by the guided democracy of Panchayat system. He was released and went to an exile in India where B.P. Koriala also called for armed revolution but ultimately after observing the whole area as a ‘Zone of Turmoil’ particularly after the tragic incidence of Bangladesh and Sikkim, he returned back risking his neck on eight counts of server cases in the court. It was the call of national reconciliation, which is yet a ceremonial slogan of his followers in the party, with which he returned. But the national reconciliation was not a tricky proposition to return back to the country in 1976. He lived with this conviction during his continuous detention for eight years.
This is not any occasion of celebrating the memory of B.P Koirala as NC has given a final burial of the thought of constitutional monarchy and his strong belief in the reconciliation between the institution of monarchy and modernizing democracy.
Since its inception, NC had in its preamble an objective for the constitutional monarchy in Nepal. According to history of Nepali Congress written by Parmananda, an Indian scholar, in fact, this was in the preamble of B.P. Koirala led Nepali Rastriya Congress, which later on merged with Nepali democratic Congress, led by Subarna Sumsher.
The revolution of 1951 was completed with the same objective. The first general elections were held and first democratic parliament set up in 1958 in which NC secured two-third majority. After a long gap of Panchayat Rule, there was a popular uprising in 1990 under the same ideal. In the immediate elections, NC again got an absolute majority in the parliament.
The second parliament was a hung parliament having no party in majority but again NC was the single largest party in the parliament with same party ideals.
In the third parliament again, NC was mandated political line of constitutional monarchy. Thus, since the revolution of 1951, the people either through involvement in revolution or through the elections had always endorsed its stand for constitutional monarchy.
Things were much more difficult in Panchayat period, which cannot be compared with this open and pluralistic political environment. However difficult it was to endure the faith upon its objective, Nepali Congress proved its bona fide by adhering to the commitment of constitutional monarchy. But all this has suddenly disappeared from the party’s constitution, though not from the hearts and minds of the people whom they yet profess to represent.
Euphoria Against Stability
As many have said; ultimately the people will win. But yet what will be the cost the nation has to pay? Illustrations are there in recent years of world history. From Iran to Laos and Cambodia to Afghanistan, monarchy, aristocracy, feudal and oligarchy have been destroyed but there is no sign of democracy emerging and the power of the people become decisive.
The euphoria and make-beliefs created to arise mass agitations and violent confrontations have a tendency of destroying not only the stability of the country but all kinds of liberal and plural elements from the society. Yes, a state like Swiss Republic will be anybody’s choice anywhere but is there a way by which it can be implanted in any society like a Coca-Cola plant? The answer is definitely no. Democracy is a time consuming process of evolution where its constituents need a relentless patience and tolerance. Unfortunately, its initiation in Nepal from both the end of extremes has been unsatisfactory to say the least.
Nepalese political forces must understand that politics of extremism do not have future in Nepal. Sooner the Nepali Congress leadership realizes this better for the political settlement and revival of democracy in the country. Historical shift of NC on constitutional monarchy pushes the monarch into absolute authoritarian camp creating big gap between the liberal democratic forces and instituion of monarchy inviting chaos and anarchical situation, which is not in the interest of Nepal.
