Nepal can look after its own security independently: no need to enter security alliances

Kamal Thapa

In a democratic polity, foreign policy needs to be constantly reviewed, critiqued and nurtured so that parliamentarians and political parties can rationally and coolly debate and hold dialogue on its various dimensions, goals and objectives and, thereby arrive at a sound national consensus to guide our relations with other nations and international organizations.

As there is only one Nepal, so the ultimate aim of foreign policy should be to have one united voice in the expression and attainment of our common national interests. This ideal is valid, whether HMG/N is formed by a majority, minority or is born out of coalition politics. All political parties must be supremely cognizant of an obvious truth:; that nationalism is solid when ordinary persons can feel that foreign policy has a meaning for their day-to-day lives; and they can understand and internalize its broad aims.. On the other hand, nationalism is weakened when foreign policy falls prey to domestic politicking as, then, the ordinary person is confused and divided.

The purpose of foreign policy is to protect Nepal’s sovereignty, strengthen its national independence, preserve its territorial integrity, and promote Nepal’s national interests in the community of nations. As is well known both continuity and change mark the nature of foreign policy.

Continuity in foreign policy emanates from the basic strategic quest for national survival, security and stability. These very parameters yield the need for constant interface and co-ordination with other policies of state; primarily defense, finance and home affairs. As these parameters of foreign policy are drawn largely from the realm of geo-politics, they tend to reinforce the dimensions of continuity because by their very nature underlying geographical forces are slow to change. However, since 1990s, both nationally and internationally epoch-making events have occurred resulting in far-reaching political and security developments, which are bound to change the contours, if not the fundamental principles, of our foreign policy.

In our own land, the re-emergence of a multiparty parliamentary system of governance in 1990, with its constitutional commitment to democracy and human rights, has brought a new meaning to national security and this provides a new dimension to our foreign policy. Perhaps with our experience of successful participation for nearly 50 years in the UN and NAM, the people feel sufficiently secure from threats to Nepal’s’ territorial integrity or internal security. Rather, the true aspirations of the people in post revolutionary Nepal, seems to me, are for the rapid abolishment of poverty from the face of Nepal, faster pace in the modernization of Nepalese society, and for joining the mainstream of global developments on the basis of sovereign equality.

In the international arena, vast political and security changes occurred with breathtaking rapidity:; for example, the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe; demise of the USSR; virtual "globalization" of democracy; ending of the cold war and nuclear disarmament; and the growing tensions amongst immediate neighbors which have taken the form of civil wars or other forms of low-intensity military conflicts etc. And of course, one needs to mention the qualitative change in regional security with the improved relations between China and India, both of which are destined to become world powers in this century. We welcome their achievements. Hopefully, a breakthrough might be possible in Indo-Pakistan relations for this could have an immediate salutary effect on our regional security and prosperity.

Change, on the other hand, arises also from the frenetic pace of development in the geoeconomic dimensions governing foreign policy. In this age of revolution in transportation and information technology, change is bound to be continuous, rapid and will require governments everywhere to adjust and anticipate. These revolutions are yielding new opportunities for Nepal as they allow us to join the international processes of globalization of trade, production and capital markets. The enormous demand for energy and water, which is the result of world-wide economic prosperity, and which are expected to be the strategic resources for the next millennium, is opening new avenues of growth and development for Nepal. Indeed, a new national mindset has evolved, especially among our youth, which is more optimistic and confident about the future of Nepal. Thus we now see our geography as a source of immense wealth and prosperity for Nepal and the entire South Asian region; unlike in the past, when we tended to believe that our geography was the chief cause for our underdevelopment.

The foregoing appraisal suggests that there is a basic need for stocktaking of the old concepts, theories and principles in the light of current realities and their paramountcy. Assessment of their development in the future and its impact on Nepal is vital to develop appropriate strategies to deal with the constraints and exploit opportunities in the external geo-political and geo-economic environments. Perhaps, it will then be felt that it is essential to give new dimension to our foreign policy.

Specifically, we need to revisit the veracity, for the next millennium, of the grand vision of Nepal as a yam between two boulders. We need to provide a new vision to the NAM. We may need to enlarge further our strategic partnership, now confined to India and China, to include Bangladesh for Bangladesh’s strategic role in the Bay of Bengal region is growing. We need to evaluate our role in the UN Security Council and reexamine its potential for the provision of collective security to small states; we also have to find ways to improve our performances in conference diplomacy generally. We need to strengthen our national capacity to compete globally and to be able to find niche for our goods and services as we open our markets through deregulation and liberalization policies. We need to enhance our negotiating capability to deal with the requirements of membership in the World Trade Organization, if we are to secure our right to fair trade from the international community. And we need to move the SAARC process further towards co-operation in core economic areas, especially infrastructure. We need a SAARC, which can contribute to accelerating national growth rates and for removing national constraints on the economy through the collective actions of South Asian people and the government.

With respect to our relations with India and China we wish to take each country on its individual merit for the opportunities it provides us for furthering our national interests. We do not wish to play off one against the other. Nor can we afford to do so. We will be fully alive to the security sensitivities of either one and free our territory of any activities hostile to any of them.

With India, we wish to further strengthen traditional ties and adopt a new framework for our bilateral relations, which is truly grounded on the principles of sovereign equality and mutual benefit. This entails the revision of the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship in keeping with the changed global and regional contexts and, not least, in the context of Government of India’s new neighborhood policy.

Political relations have been cordial and excellent with China. Given its landmark achievements in the field of economic development and the grand success of its modernization program, I feel we need to add new dimensions to our relations with China. To begin with, the Nepal-China business forum will be fully supported to accelerate cooperation in trade, investment and transfer of technology between our private sectors. Further, with the resumption of Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong it can act as our other gateway to China for mobilization of foreign direct investments and for gainful employment of our nationals.

Not only we wish to broaden trade and investment relations with Tibet and Hong Kong, we now feel that Nepal can serve as a bridge to China for the entire SAARC region. They can then take advantage of the economic prosperity that is gradually extending to the borderlands between China and SAARC. Perhaps, the time may not be too far away for Nepal to begin floating the idea of a SAARC Free Economic zone in Nepal in order to target exports from the SAARC nations in to China. It is conceivable. Too, that China may find it advantageous to use the South Asian ports for the foreign trade of Tibet and other autonomous regions. Sooner than later, a growth corridor may be envisioned with China through the participation of contiguous countries of South Asia.

Our emphasis on economic diplomacy arises from the need to reorient our policies from their excessive dependence on foreign aid towards foreign trade, investment and employment. The new emphasis on economic diplomacy is really a new orientation towards using foreign policy as a vehicle for the realization of national economic development goals. The proper staffing and use of the Royal Nepalese Embassies and missions can contribute to speeding up the growth rate of the national economy. It can also contribute to the regional balance through mobilization of foreign direct investment for the attainment of these aims. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs can contribute substantially to making the Nepalese economy more competitive internationally by providing country-specific information and data of foreign trade, employment, investment, water resources and tourism opportunities, including details, gathered first hand, on how our competitors do business in those markets. Not, least, our new emphasis on economic diplomacy is also because of the dire need to develop genuine partnership with the private sector in economic matters. This is precisely why the International Business Forum has been created in the MOFA. So far, national entreprenuership has not been promoted abroad; this needs to be done if we are to benefit from globalization. Already, the FNCCI-II Joint task force has made many recommendations, which call for collective actions by actively involving the MOFA.

At the practical level, we note that many licenses have been issued to foreign investors for joint ventures, especially for those from USA, UK, Japan, Germany, West Asia and India. These countries are staffed with Nepalese diplomats who can be used to follow-up with the licensees to expedite implementation and provide policy level feedback on foreign investment climate.

The success that Nepal has had with economic diplomacy, so far, is manifested in the lead role it has been assigned for the establishment of the SAARC growth quadrangle that is to comprise Bhutan, Bangladesh, India and Nepal. In addition, we anticipate participating as an observer in the newly created growth quadrangle in the By of Bengal region consisting of Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand-BIMSTEC.

We view regional and sub-regional co-operation as a basic component of the strategy of economic diplomacy. We expect to lead this process more innovatively in future so as to exploit opportunities for generating additional resources for investments in Nepal.

With respect to long pending issues, one of our four priorities as outlined above, allow me to say, is that we wish to bring to a speedy conclusion of the Bhutanese refugee problem. Trust, goodwill and understanding need to be nurtured by both sides for the success of the negotiations. Nepal is deeply conscious of the valuable role that the Bhutanese institution of Monarchy can play and the aspirations of its people to preserve its unique traditional heritage along with national independence and national prestige.

Although small in comparison to the two Asian giants, which comprise its neighbors. Nepal is not really so small a nation if we compare ourselves to most other members of the International community of nations. We feel we can look after our own security independently and, therefore we do not wish to enter security alliances with any power. Given its proud heritage of peace, ethnic solidarity, religious tolerance and spiritualism it can look forward to becoming a model nation that serves as a bridge of peace and prosperity to the two great civilizations of China and South Asia.

Speech of the then Foreign minister Mr.Kamal Thapa made at a POLSAN seminar held on August 1, 1997. –Chief editor

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