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telelogo4.jpg (7056 bytes)   Kathmandu, Wednesday, 02 February 2000

5 QUESTIONS


When Nepali rulers and donors chatter about “good governance,” it actually means “bad governance”

-Dr. Krishna B. Bhattachan, T.U

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He is frank in his admissions. He does not mince words which could be seen at Kathmandu seminars.. His colleagues enjoy friendship with him. A highly qualified scholar as he is, Dr. Krishna B.Bhattachan obtained his doctoral degree from one of the finest and talked about university-Berkeley, California, USA in the year 1993. His subject was Sociology. Prior to that, he secured his Masters degree in Sociology from Banaras Hindu University, BHU, India. Soft-spoken Dr. Bhattachan has the hobby of buying books and reads them without loosing time. A voracious reader Dr. Bhattachan says that the book on Theory on Communicative Action by a German writer, Jurgen Habermas is best in his rating followed by Foucault's book entitled The Archaeology of Knowledge.Currently this scholar is serving at the Central department of Sociology and Anthropology, T.U. Kirtipur. His areas of specialization include Modernization and Development; Sociological Theory; Comparative and Historical method and Ethnicity.

Dr. Bhattachan has several publications to his credit. Some of his publications include, developmental Practices in Nepal; Nepal:The GTZ Experience of Self-help Promotion at Local Level; People/Community Based development Strategy in Nepal; Sociological and Anthropological Research and Training in Nepal: Adaptation Versus Indegenization and so many others. The Pokhara born scholar is currently in the advisory boards of Sancharika Samuha; HR Organization of Nepal,HURON; NEFAS; member secretary at the Nationalities Development-Coordination Centre and member at the Group Active for the Rights of Women.

RATOS, is the abbreviation of the works and the activities in which Dr. Bhattachan has engaged himself these days. R-Research; A-Advocacy (ethnic, gender and dalit); T-Teaching/Training; O-Organization building and S-Social mobilization.

He has over three hundred articles based on research works that have got printed in various national and international journals including the Telegraph weekly.

Dr. Bhattachan was a member of the Task Force on Foundation for Upliftment of the Nationalities. He also was the Research officer at the Task force headed by Dr.Hark Gurung and worked on "Internal and International Migration in Nepal".

Bhattachan received a medal and a certificate of praise for receiving a doctorate degree from prestigious University of Berkeley from Thakali Seva Samiti .

Dr.Bhattachan possesses some reservations regarding the Brahmins and the Chettris who are ruling the nation. He opines that these two special classes of castes in Nepal have remained instrumental in exploiting the various ethnic groups since centuries. In the course of the interview, Dr. Bhattachan urges the establishment dominated by the Brahmins and the Chettris to heed to the demands and the due rights of the exploited ethnic tribes or else prepare for facing grave consequences. This he has also expressed in the interview.

Last week, we approached this scholar, a very close friend of this paper, for an exclusive interview to which he readily accepted. Below the results: Chief editor.

TGQ 1: - Dr. Bhattachan, are political parties and the leaders occupying the system operating under the vision articulated by the people or imprisoned by outside models of development and governance? Could you enlighten us in the light of current political situation in the country.

Dr. Bhattachan:- Mr. Upadhyaya, I, like many others, think that all our political parties and the leaders who dared to sacrifice themselves during the autocratic partyless Panchayat regime have now, unfortunately, sacrificed Nepalese people’s vision. Unfortunately they have become “prisoners” of the imported models of development and governance. They very obediently do whatever commands others give. Most of the large political parties and its leaders have become “prisoners” of Indian rulers/leaders and bi-lateral and multi-lateral donors, including the World Bank. It is not new indeed. It has been continuing for the last five decades. Actors have changed but the “business is as usual.” In the past we imported the community development model in the early fifties. We then imported the growth model in the sixties followed by integrated rural development models in the late sixties and the seventies. Basic need model was aborted in the early eighties. Structural Adjustment and Liberalization Program was imported in the eighties and early nineties. Currently Nepal has imported free market economy or privatization. By now it is crystal clear that all these trickle down models have proved to be trick-all-down for an overwhelming majority of people who are living in poverty. Same is true with governance also. We have imported Westminster style multi-party political system for political good governance and free market for economic good governance but feudal like behavior of both the government and donors have forced many of us to believe that. I think enough is enough. Now it is high time that the rulers pay due attention to the people’s voice, not to the commands of the outsiders.

TGQ 2:- Critics of governance argue that civil society in Nepal is rooted in the donor's package and donor’s aid conditionalities rather than the real needs and experiences of the Nepalese people. What is your response Dr. Bhattachan? Can Nepalese civil society help liberate the people from poverty, inequality and margizinalization of lives? Your comments please.

Dr. Bhattachan:- My sense is that we have to make a distinction  between two types of civil society in Nepal: one, induced by the donors and the other indigenous/traditional. The former one is parasitic to donors. The second one is very often self-reliant and sustainable. Unfortunately, indigenous/ traditional civil society has been washed out by the flood of powerful and all-encompassing induced civil society and predatory policies of the state. Among the civil society, following the categories developed by Prof. Larry Diamond, I have not much hope from economic and development organizations because most of them are terrible exploiters of the common people and corrupt. They are also partly responsible for escalating poverty, widening inequality and terrible marginzalization of already marginalized people. Most of the civic groups and information related organizations are highly politicized and most of the politicians in whose direction they act are very corrupt. The only hope, therefore, lies with cultural and issue based organizations, particularly women’s, Dalits, indigenous/nationality and other marginalized communities’ organizations. The problem with them is that they have been always undermined by the rulers because these rulers would like to continue domination of one caste, one culture, one language, one religion and one sex over others. Also, these organizations have yet to reach out the mass at the grass roots level.   My sense is that if the political parties, both ruling and opposition, and political leaders continue to rule the country the way they have ruled in the last ten years of democracy and the donors continue to help Nepal the way they have been helping for the last five decades, I believe that poverty, inequality and marginalization are here to stay for ever. Sometimes one wonders, if these are gone then where is the job for both the rulers and the donors?

TGQ 3:- Independent intellectuals assert that public policies in Nepal are based not on public perceptions rather as the interests of the ruling class and key donor agencies. And consequently those policies hardly serve the general public. As a result the independent intellectuals and opposition political parties believe that the government is not theirs and therefore, they have no ownership. In this context, how the government claim to be national that will serve common people’s interest?

Dr. Bhattachan:- Yes, you are right Mr. Upadhyaya that independent scholars and opposition political parties have not yet felt that the government is theirs. Opposition political parties and independent scholars feel so for different reasons. Opposition political parties feel so because a group within the ruling parties, who proxy the opposition, overshadow them. Independent scholars feel so because the government, that is, executive, legislative and judiciary, is owned by certain specific caste, language, religious, regional, and gender group. Such a continuing practice is unbearably unfair for many other groups/communities in a country where democracy, equality and human rights are valued most by all. There is a perception that the government stoops before India, donors and the Mafia but charge with batons to the common people. Therefore, women, indigenous peoples/nationalities, Dalits (oppressed castes), Muslims, and Christians feel that they do not own their own country. I think poet Dil Sahani has stole many people’s thoughts, who wrote, “those who are not of the country, they own the country, and those who are of the country, do not own the country.” Therefore, the government cannot claim to be national and even if it continue to claim, it is not national. It would be national, only if it is representative on the bases I just mentioned.

TGQ 4:- One of the problems of governance plaguing the nation in the recent years is obviously the ever growing Maoist issue. What could be the root causes of these problems and what would you think to be the solutions? Do you think the current commission under S. B. Deuba to be credible and competent enough to iron out the issue?

Dr. Bhattachan:- Yes, currently Maoist insurgency is probably the dominant political and developmental issue in our country. There is no doubt by now that Maoist insurgency movement is spreading like a wild fire all over Nepal, though many some Nepalese political pundits had predicted few years ago that “it will fizzle out very soon.” As a student of sociology, I believe that the root causes of such political development are three. First of all, the current- regime state is in crisis. Current Nepalese politics is in crisis; economy is in crisis; and trust is in crisis. Secondly, in the last ten years Nepalese state appeared to be a predatory than a developmental state because of its failure to address any of the every-day-life problems of common Nepalese people. Prices of kerosene, electricity, water and other basic necessities are skyrocketed by the government. Thirdly, another root cause is the efficiency of the Maoist leaders to touch the pulse of the social structure, that is, massive mobilization of women, Dalits (or traditionally “untouchables”) and ethnic groups. All these three groups have been humiliated, exploited, suppressed, oppressed and depressed by the government and the rulers in the past. Fourthly, another root cause is the partial international support, particularly from the Revolutionary International Movement (RIM). If Maoist insurgency should get the remaining international support, the current regime would collapse very quickly like a house of cards.

So far, I do not see any easy or ready-made solutions to this problem. I think we have to wait and see its evolution. Perhaps, one of the precondition to find out its solution is that all political parties and political leaders should accept it as the main “political problem” facing the country and the government should immediately stop violation of human rights.

I do not believe that the Debua commission would come up with real and practical solutions to the Maoist issue for several reasons. First of all, it is not representative. Therefore it is not credible and competent. Secondly, the very premise of the commission and the government that the Maoist is a terrorist, not a political, problem is wrong. Finally, most of the scholars and other people fully agree that almost all of the 40-point demands made by the Maoist before they went underground are legitimate and valid and that counter-violence of the Maoist is not acceptable.

TGQ 5:- What role media can play in improving the status of governance in the country and hold the power holders accountable for their actions.

Dr. Bhattachan:- Mr. Upadhyaya, I believe that media can and should play a role of watchdog instead of being a “lap-dog” of political parties, big business houses and foreign countries in doing so. Media should itself be more representative of social structure of the Nepalese society, accountable to the people and transparent. If these two preconditions are met the frontier is wide open for the media. My sense is that media people should study more, engage in research, work collectively and sincerely for the common good and perform its roles without any fear and greed. 


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