Strategic Stability, Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament -2
Mr.
Hazairin Pohan, Indonesian diplomat ,New York
Any new framework must build on the promotion of security and
stability in South Asia as its core objective. Non-proliferation concerns and more broadly
arms control measures should be incorporated into this framework but concerns of
non-proliferation must not override that of security and stability. However,
repugnant it may be, such a framework must accept the nuclear status of India and
Pakistan, take their security interests in the larger regional context and formulate
arms control measures including non-proliferation to prevent a nuclear arms race in that
region.
4.Consolidation and Strengthening of Mongolia's nuclear-weapon-free status
-One of the most significant developments in the nuclear field has been the
declaration in 1992 by Mongolia of its territory as a single state
nuclear-weapon-free-zone. Beginning from the Treaty of Tlatelolco for Latin America during
the 1960's, the approach has been the initiative and agreement of a group of regional
states that culminated into nuclear-weapon-free-zones. Historically, this has been the
route which was subsequently followed by the states of Africa, the South Pacific Forum,
ASEAN and more recently, the Almaty Declaration which has established a NWFZ in Central
Asia.
So, viewed from this angle, Mongolia's initiative is without any
precedent. In my view, this innovative approach implies the following: First, it promotes
non-proliferation and contributes incrementally to the attainment of the complete
elimination of nuclear armaments. Second, it has taken into account Mongolia's specific
concerns and conditions as well as geographic and geo-political characteristics of its
region. Third, it is reasonable to expect that not only Mongolia's territory but also
those adjacent to it are genuinely free of nuclear weapons. Fourth, it follows that
external powers should enter into binding commitments to fully comply with the
nuclear-free status of the zone and refrain from the use or threat of use of nuclear
weapons.
The fact that all five nuclear powers - including two neighboring nuclear
powers - China and Russia - has supported Mongolia's single-state nuclear-free-zone
demonstrates that it is not only politically possible but also strategically acceptable.
Yet, these lack credibility since they are based on unilateral declarations of support,
not identical and contain different formulations, conditions and even reservations that
are susceptible to changes. A NWFZ - whether a unique model of a single state as
represented by Mongolia or the traditional grouping of states in a region such as the
nuclear-weapon-free-zone in Southeast Asia - can only be credible when parties to
the arrangements have legally defined rights and obligations.
It is my understanding that Russia would consider together with other
countries the issue of providing security assurances to Mongolia which should take into
account its unique geographic location as well as its security needs and interests.
(Statement by Mongolia in the First Committee, 13 October 1999)
5. Reviewing the developments for the last five years and remaining
procedural issues
- One of the tasks of the Review Conference is to take a hard and close
look at the developments that have taken place since 1995. The record is dismal and
far from reassuring for those of us who closely monitor nuclear and related issues. But
let me first briefly touch upon some developments of a marginal nature that may give us
some hope.
- The Third Prep. Com. session of the NPT agreed on some procedural questions
that will facilitate the focused consideration of specific issues relevant to the Treaty.
It also agreed on the provisional agenda and allocation of items for the Main Committees.
Numerous statements were made that attest to the importance of strengthening the review
process.
- But the negative developments far outweigh the few seemingly positive ones.
The Prep. Com sessions failed to agree on any substantive issues, which does not
augur well for the success of the forthcoming review exercise. Uncertainties surround the
coming into force of the CTBT. The oft-postponed negotiations for a fissile
materials cut-off treaty are yet to take-off from the ground. It is better to remind
us that these two issues were specifically included in the 1995 documents. We are also
faced with the weaponization of outer space and plans for a missile defense system while
new missions are continuously envisioned for nuclear forces. When we take into account
these ominous developments along with the nuclear tests in South Asia, we have a dim
picture. This is the reality.
6.Objectives and goals of the 2000 NPT Review Conference
- The primary objective of the Review Conference is to identify ways and
means through which to ensure the full implementation of all the provisions of the
NPT. They also include the 1995 decision on principles and objectives for
non-proliferation and disarmament.
The goals would include indicative targets for compliance with given
Articles of the Treaty
- It would also include establishing a framework for ways of
strengthening the Treaty and its implementation. Furthermore, it would transform the
review into a more credible and meaningful process of accountability for the Treaty's
implementation by all states parties and to encompass the full scope of non-proliferation
and disarmament agenda. The conference should ensure "permanence with
accountability" of the NPT. This might call for reconsidering the consensus rule and
revising the structure of the review process; that is to say, the establishment of
subsidiary bodies or working groups to deal with specific issues in accordance with the
1995 decisions.
7. Responsibilities and Contributions of Nuclear Weapon States.
Let me state the problem briefly in theoretical terms facing the
conference in May.
Analysts have written and policy-makers are aware of the preference of the
nuclear powers for a world order in which they continue to enjoy a privileged position and
for policies to promote their national security interests at the expense of the security
of other nations. Strategies pursued by them are intended to formalize their claim to a
special position in the hierarchy of military power and therefore exclude measures such as
nuclear disarmament, which carry a radical distribution of power between them and the
others. Non-proliferation policies are advanced to entrench their power position and
to expand their spheres of influence. This explains why the non-nuclear nations are
in revolt against the current non-proliferation regime. Empirical evidence since the
NPT came into force fully supports the validity of this conclusion.
- Hence, without a greater understanding by the nuclear powers of the
growing dissatisfaction and indeed disillusionment with the operation of the Treaty in its
critical aspects, it is plausible to challenge its credibility, utility and even its
legitimacy on the basis of a genuine, irreversible and phased program of nuclear
disarmament, binding security assurances and meaningful assistance for peaceful nuclear
activities. In my view, these areas of contention and discord must be addressed if we are
to avert a dismal failure and its repercussions for the future of the Treaty.
It would not suffice to engage in a token reduction of nuclear armaments
after a six-year hiatus either prior or during the conference intended to placate the
non-nuclear states and then to claim progress in this field. The oft-repeated assertions
of fulfilling the commitments undertaken in Article VI are nullified by the increasing
credence given to the political and military role of nuclear weapons. The success of the
review exercise would depend to a large extent on specific measures that should be taken
towards deep reductions in nuclear armaments. Skirting this issue in the context of
self-laudatory claims and self-serving interpretations would be to court disaster.
- We have a number of proposals since 1996 for the total abolition of these
weapons of mass destruction. These include, the Group of 21, the Canberra
Commission, the Middle Powers' Initiative and more recently, the Tokyo Forum, which
contain a wealth of realistic and attainable proposals.
Ice Cubes Give Cognac A Rejuvenation cure
Domonique Garraud, France
<< Confidence in the future! Cognac on the rocks is to be the aperitif
of the Third Millenium! >> The slogan of the Interprofessional National Cognac
Office (Bureau National Interprofessionnel du Cognac (BNIC)), which groups together
producers and merchants, announces the rejuvenation of this <<drink blessed by the
gods>>, much appreciated by the writer Victor Hugo.
For the last few years, producers of cognac have been making plans to seize
the opportunity of the arrival of the Year 2000and its merry-making to << change
people's attitudes to cognac, for both professionals and connoisseurs>>. As
specialists note, all over the world there has been a strong fall in the consumption of
spirits taken as an after dinner drink. The idea thought up a few years ago by producers
to counter this problem may seem a heresy to pursuit lovers of noble old cognac, yet it is
in keeping with the historical tradition of this grape brandy made for three centuries in
the stills of the Charenet region. Indeed, at the beginning of the century, at the time
when painters on Montmartre drew inspiration from the French cancan, one of the favorite
long drinks of the French was <<une fine a l'eau>> cognac with still water.
For a lot of connoisseurs, cognac is considered as one of those magnificent
after-dinner drinks whose long lasting taste has a flavor of flowers and fruit with a hint
of spices, honey and vanilla. These are the Appellation d'Origine Controlee Fine Champagne
cognacs, in the heart of the production area, which require long ageing (sometimes several
decades) in oak casks that have been specially made by local coopers in Charenete to bring
out their full flavour. However, a large amount of Cognac also comes from vineyards, which
produce a less exacting brandy that can be aged more quickly. Cognac from the Borderies,
Fin Bois, Bon Bois and Bois a Terroir>> vintage are suitable for being served on ice
or diluted to provide refreshing aperitifs.
For the last three years, the BNIC has led an awareness campaign in France
and abroad on the generic theme <<Give your ice cubes some cognac>> that is
starting to produce results. With an advertising budget that has tripled in the last three
years, the BNIC has had an increasing number of promotion operations giving recipes and
offering cognac-tastings combining the most famous digestive with a fizzy drink or orange
juice or preparing it as a "floater", that is to say by delicately pouring it
onto sparkling water so that it stays on the surface. At the same time, the BNIC
commissioned a survey by the Osband Company in July 1999. It showed that although 89% of
French Cognac lovers still drink it neat, nearly half of them, 47 %, especially women and
young people prefer it diluted as a long drink.
A special effort has been made in the area of exports, which accounts for the
bulk of the market for Cognac. With 92.8% of the 134.6 million of bottles equivalents
produced a year intended for exports, cognac contributes up to 8 billion francs, 1.3
billion dollars, to the French trade surplus, i.e as mush as the sale of 94 TGV train
units or 21 Airbuses. Europe takes the largest share, but most promising market today is
the American continent and especially the United States where sales increased by 13.1% in
1998. There are more and more promotion operations in the United States in association
with the French embassy which, for instance last October, gave its guests cognac long
drink at the private viewing of an exhibition by the sculptor Etienne. The market in Asia,
which has been on the decline owing to the monetary crisis, is also an important stake.
According to the BNIC, Japan, Vietnam and China are promising markets for all categories
of cognac from the "Fine Champagnes" to be drunk neat, to the young cognacs
which are ideal for long drinks or for adding to cooking. |
