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In depth Analysis Nepali Congress
contributes to confusion! Kathmandu: Confusion continues regarding the actual agreements made between Prime Minister Bhattarai and his party chairman Girija Prasad Koirala at the party office last month that allowed the government to continue despite the majority of the parliament party's members having signed a no confidence motion against the Prime Minister's parliamentary leadership and despite the resignation of 12 of his cabinet members on that account .The Girija Koirala lobby insists that the agreement occurred after the Prime minister agreed to resign this month. The Prime minister's lobby says that no such agreement was made. Even senior members of the congress appear unaware of the agreements and remain divided over whether he should resign or continue. This leaves the government in a state of anarchy given that even senior ministers after the acceptance of the resignation of ministers and the redistribution of the portfolios appear uncertain of their office .The government is shaking no doubt but whether it will fall remains a matter of conjecture. The KP lobby appears to have devised several longevity stratagem .Now that the India visit appears on hold, France appears on the card for a Prime Ministerial trip designed to prolong him in office .It also seems that a Medicare programs will add to the number of days in the Prime Minister chair. The House which sits for session seems to be taken as yet another rues in government. It is KP lobby that now floats the rumors that GP is so desperate to take over that he is willing to hand over power to the King. The GP lobby also counters that the KP lobby is so inept that he is creating the circumstances for a Royal take over. (See edit also). The ground rules, it seems, is that the battle Royal in the congress is to avoid precipitation of an outright split and to blame the split, if it occurs ,on one another claiming the congress for oneself .This strategy has virtually denied the country a government . Between the lines is the fact that each of the two lobbies continues to woo the blessings of New Delhi and the Palace which appears now to be the major deciding forces of politics in Nepal .The Palace, it appears, chooses to maintain it's rigid constitutional posture of impartiality allowing itself to be convenient target of both lobbies. Indications are that the Delhi tilt will favor concessions on policy matters and the current stand points is designed to pressure the pressed KP. Matters such as the security issue regarding Nepal's independent air transport and investment on water remain on the agenda for New Delhi. The government has yet to come clean on the matter of choices. As things stand, the virtual lack of coherence in Nepali politics may be accounted to these factors. The UML, for example, would prefer to emerge as the largest parliamentary party precipitating a split in the congress. On the other hand it would prefer a KP congress in power to go hand in glove with government in order to suppress Girija ambitions. But it is KP that must initiate a decisive environment for the UML to act. Equally important is the Maoist penchant for violent threats that must be so calculated as to press KP for talks as to remain visible through violence that may not help topple KP outright. As rumors go some understanding would seem to have been made in preliminary dialogues to allow government to call for official sittings. This fact, however, remains hidden still adding to the confusion. MSI poll highlights Janjati's grievances Kathmandu March 13: Bulk of Nepal's Janajati (also called the Nationalities) population do not think that there has been any improvement in their lifestyle despite reintroduction of democracy in 1990. Fifty-three percent of the Janajatis interviewed by the Media Services International (MSI) in different parts of the country said that they felt no improvement in their way of life, but 36 % said that some improvements had been made. Those who did not know anything about the improvement accounted for 11 % of the respondents. Among those who felt some improvement had been made in their lifestyle, 44 % said improvement was visible in the social sector, 38 % said in the political sector and 19 % said in the economic sector. On the much-talked about issue of under representation of the nationalities in the administration, 59 % of the respondents were of the view that they did not have a fair representation in the administrative sector. The number of those who believed the representation was fair and those who volunteered no opinion on the matter was almost equally divided (21 % and 20 % respectively). Among the Janajatis who thought the representation in the bureaucracy was not fair, when asked if certain number of seats should be reserved for members of their community, 79 % said 'yes'. 18 % said 'no' and 3 % said nothing. Regarding job preferences for the members of their family, a majority of the nationalities (34 %) said they would like their wards join the civil service. If 17 % preferred the Royal Nepal Army, 12 % went for the Nepal Police. Similarly, 10 % of the interviewees wanted their children to join the foreign military service, 9 % preferred public organizations, 8% were for foreign employment and 10 % other jobs. Over the vital issue of political representation, 44 % of those polled said the Janajatis had a fair representation in politics. Only 2 % less (42 %) did not think so, whereas 13 % did not know anything about it. To the question as to where has the representation been not fair enough? 33 % pointed at parliament; 31 % at cabinet; 16 % at political appointments; 11 % at village, town and district development committees; 9 % at political parties; and 5 % at other sectors. The opinion poll survey with a sample size of 1068 was conducted in 15 districts encompassing the mountains, hills and terai of this Himalayan Kingdom. The interviewees were selected from among the members of Janajati groups -- Yolmo, Thakali, Rai, Limbu, Gurung, Chepang, Magar, Lepcha, Jyapu, Tharu, Dhimal, Satar, Jhangad and Danuwar. This poll was conducted between January 5 and 15, 2000, with a grant from the London-based Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD). I'll work for
enhancing B'desh-Nepal ties Says Ambassador Cyril Sikder
Kathmandu: Mr. Cyril Sikder, the new Bangladesh Ambassador designate
is already in the capital. Born in 1938, Ambassador designate Cyril Sikder will present his credentials to His Majesty the King of Nepal this Friday afternoon.
Ambassador Sikder replaces his predecessor Mohiuddin Ahmed. Talking to the Chief editor of the Telegraph weekly minutes after his arrival in Kathmandu, Ambassador designate told that his country attaches great importance to its relations with Nepal. "I've been personally instructed by Premier Sheikh Hasina prior to my departure to Kathmandu to explore all the possibilities that enhances our bilateral ties at all the possible levels", said a beaming Bangladesh Ambassador. Bangladesh and Nepal are not only neighboring countries but our common efforts at the SAARC process too have brought us closer, continued Ambassador Sikder. Mr. Sikder is a very senior lawyer in Bangladesh who has for all along past three decades or so been associated with the Supreme Court of Bangladesh. The new Ambassador is a Christian. Though a devoted Christian, Ambassador Sikder possesses profound knowledge of The Mahabharata, the legendary epic of the Hindus. Congress' top hats open Pandora's box! Kathmandu : Suddenly the country's political situation has become explosive. The congress party that opened the Pandora's box Monday evening appears to be in a mess. Confusion is being replaced by more confusion in the party. The congress has created nasty and ugly scenes as well that might have pleased some political quarters but for those who wish a stable and responsible congress party functioning in the country have fallen flat. The hypothetical deadline set by
President Koirala for the resignation of Prime Minister Bhattarai has come to an end. To
the utter dismay and panic of President Koirala and his henchmen loitering around him,
Prime Minister Bhattarai declined to tender resignation as per the much blown
"agreement" supposedly reached some two weeks back between the two
conspiratorial Brahmins, Girija Prasad and Krishna Prasad. In essence, what was in the agreement or
even they had some agreement is still a mystery. Indeed they had met and talked for some
twenty minutes and both claimed that there had been some understanding between them and
thus the previous crisis had been averted. Had there been any agreement, the
details of the agreement should have come to the open. Since the agreement, if any
remained confined to two old men only, any further interpretation would be futile to
analyze. An agreement is a contract in between
two rival parties wherein both converge and vow to respect and honor commitments made by
them respectively. However, two different sets of
commitments are surfacing for the public consumption from two different camps of the
congress. If the commitments are differing from the parties concerned or say those who
were involved in the agreement, then the whole affair could not be termed as an agreement.
It was merely a talk between the two congress stalwarts. However, the supporters of each
camp interpreted the talks of their leaders in a manner that suited to their private
interests. Koirala's version is that Bhattarai
promised him that he would hand over his Prime ministerial post on the last date of Nepali
month Falgun corresponding to March13, 2000. Bhattarai supporters now say that what had
been explicitly decided between the two last rounds of the negotiations that both the old
guards will step down simultaneously to facilitate the second-generation leaders to take
over the mantle of state affairs. Koirala supporters outrightly reject
this theory advanced by the other competing rival. Bhattarai's adamancy in sticking to his
commitment in favor of young leaders has cornered Koirala who visibly not appears to heed
to his rival's proposition come what may. In effect, Koirala has already hinted that his
current 'stamina' permits him to become the Prime Minister for the rest of the term. Currently Koirala is busy in thwarting
the designs of Bhattarai and in all probability he would use the same trick as advanced
almost three weeks back. Bhattarai too appears prepared in disappointing Koirala
manipulations and will perhaps prefer to show his strength at the floors of the House
currently in session with the tacit support of his long time favorite party-the UML. Needless to say, the UML as a party
prefers Bhattarai to Koirala for obvious reasons. Understandably, the UML too has its own
political game plans. Summing up, the sheer follies exhibited
by the two top hats of the congress party not only bodes ill for their party but to the
entire set up which would become evident if this new crisis unfortunately takes a very sad
turn. A glaring example of greed and the lust
for power indeed. IMF too aware of congress power struggle Kathmandu: The ongoing congress feud of the highest order has apparently been noticed even by world's powerful and significant lending institutions. The International Monetary Fund or otherwise the IMF too has become alert of the present congress crisis and has gone to the extent in saying that even after the installation of congress majority government at the center nothing noticeable has been achieved during these nine months of congress rule in Nepal. The poor and the marginalised people of this country were getting more and more poorer by every passing day, says the IMF comment on Nepal which has apparently been sent for the perusal of the Bhattarai government. The people falling below poverty line, 42 percent of the population as has been given to understand by the Nepal government, even could not earn a dollar per day, adds the IMF remark on Nepal. The IMF findings touch upon so many aspects of the Nepalese economy and conclude by hinting that the picture remains gloomy. The interesting part of the whole finding is that the IMF alleges the ruling party to have caused this damage to the nation due to their sometimes-unexplainable feud or say conflict for power. Now that the IMF has opened its mouth, other lending institutions and the powerful donors will also follow suit time permitting. This means
clearly that the powerful donors and the top world's lending institutions too have become
weary of the incessant congress power struggle that apparently has become a regular
process. Kathmandu : The congress party as such stands divided today. Two distinct lobbies have come into the open who were either supporters of the ruling Prime minister or were siding with the one who is determined to replace the current one. However, there is yet another lobby in the congress that is neither with the Bhattarai nor with the Koirala camp. This lobby though meager in numerical strength but yet is trying to grab the opportunity by pushing the party to the brink. The idea is to add fuel to the fire to the ongoing Royal battle in between Bhattarai and Koirala and thus forcing both to agree on his or her name. One such person who wishes to exploit this fragile situation in his personal favor is talked to be Sher Bahadur Deuba. To recall, Deuba was the one who very hastily welcomed Bhattarai's bold decision that the seats currently occupied by old guards of the party be vacated in favor of the younger leaders of the party. Deuba's instant welcome remarks to Bhattarai's proposal clearly hints at the fact that Deuba has thrown himself in the queue of the persons wishing to grab the Prime ministerial post. Notably, Bhattarai's personal preference sides with Deuba who in the past has already been the nation's executive chief. His preference still stands valid. However, this time Deuba's penchant for the Premier's post appears to have gone up and in his bid to achieve his earnest goal, he is supposed to have been convincing his fellow parliamentarians to vote in his favor at the opportune moment. Insiders of the congress say that Deuba currently enjoys the trust of both the top leaders of the party. Add to this the clandestine support he enjoys perennially from some powerful countries abroad. Even neighboring India would not mind if Deuba suddenly becomes the Prime minister of Nepal because it was Deuba who gave a formal shape to the Mahakali treaty by facilitating its ratification in the Lower House of Nepalese Parliament. Add to this Deuba's links with the Royal Palace through matrimonial relations. This could be a plus point indeed. The daddy of them all is the fresh trip of former Americam Ambassador Julia Chang Bloch to Nepal. Julia remained instrumental in arranging Deuba's marriage with Arzoo Rana, a close relative of the present monarch. Intellectuals believe that Julia must have facilitated Deuba's chances in the current marathon for the post of Premiership in the congress. This notwithstanding, the Koirala lobby is well aware of Deuba grand designs. Firstly, President Koirala will not settle for less than occupying Bhattarai's current chair. If he fails in this arduous task, he would in all likelihood push the name of his relative Sushil Koirala instead of supporting Deuba. If Koirala does not succeed in this game plan then he would wish to elevate Ram Chandra Poudel but not Deuba, as Koirala knows Deuba as a staunch man of Bhattarai. Deuba on his part will leave no stone unturned to thwart Koirala designs of grabbing the Premiership if he fails to achieve the same for himself. However, the ground reality in the congress is that no lobby can fulfil its desire without the support from other competing rival lobbies. Any extra adventure in accomplishing the well-planned goals might bring a vertical split in the party. Thus the impending days in the congress camp will be worth watching. |
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