Political Institutionalisation and Democratic Consolidation in Nepal

-Dr. Gopal Pokhrel, Patan Multiple Campus

In addition, the by-election in Kathmandu constituency No.1 in 1994,in which the acting party president and the former primer minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai's defeat is attributed to the personal ambition of GP Koirala for masterminding the sabotage for being afraid of the presence of Bhattarai in the parliament, the Pratinidhi Shava (House of Representatives), which could possibly have threatened the very survival of Koirala himself as Prime minister .The factionalism that was momentarily relaxed when a second generation leader Sher Bahadur Deuba was made Prime Minister of a coalition government of NC, RPP and NSP that lasted almost 18 months. Again here too, GP Koirala is accused to have plotted the scheme for the toppling of Deuba ministry which further has widened party's credibility within the NC.

Likewise, personal disputes and rivalries in the leadership group of the Communist Party of Nepal Unified Marxist-Leninists (CPN-UML) is the main cause for the disintegration of the party in the last Falgun 2055, reducing its size to second place in the national parliament.

The factionalism trend in the CPN-UML was, surfaced during its fifth convention owing to the rivalry between so called liberal CP Mainali camp and conservative Madan Bhandari followed, the crisis was some how managed to the satisfaction of all concerned. The party suffered worse during its Sixth Convention at Nepalgung early this year that amply manifests the ambitions of some of the so-called heavy weights in the Central Committee of the party. The feud which surfaced on the plea with the signing of the integrated treaty on Mahakali with India and weakening the agenda of nationalism, culminated after the convention was over and eventually led to form a faction within its parliamentary committee with a separate identity as Communist Party of Nepal-Marxists Leninists (CPN-ML). The factionalism that occurred in the communist Party obviously, would be of serious consequences as far as institutional attempts to democratic experimentation in Nepal. The trends of split in the CPN-UML if one looks at the tradition of communist movement in Nepal, it is not impossible for ML to be fragmented further.

RPP, likewise, though united previously, is once again divided into Thapa and Chand camps. The main reason for the tussle appears to be unwillingness of SB Thapa to accept the leadership of LB Chand, which amply manifests the institutional lapses towards democratisation. Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP), mainly a party advocating the regional interest of the Terai people is suffering from the similar syndromes despite some rays of hope toward unity quite recently. Among other smaller parties, the problem of factionalism is found to be less acute within the parliament.

Ideology and Institutional Building: The behavioural revolution in political science has adopted a concept of socialisation to seek an explanation as to how the individual is acculturated. Regarding the political ideology, the NC, though has relatively a longer history, lacks miserably towards ideological clarity. The election manifestos and occasional public utterances made by the leaders at the time of elections, the Congress Party as in institution gives a very gloomy picture. The party, although, has made attempts to cover up the agenda of Democratic Socialism to reach to the people at the grassroots level, the philosophy advocated since long to be at a doldrums.

After the onslaught of globalisation and privatisation, the party has landed at a mess causing a great deal of confusion even among the top leaders. The state of affairs that exists in the NC is gradually eroding its credibility that this party is really a party of the commoners. The policies pursued by NC in an adhoc manner would have a direct bearing on democratic institutionalisation and political consolidation in Nepal. The rampant and haphazard nationalisation of public enterprises during the first tenure of G. P. Koirala's government amply proves the failure for the NC to hammer out suitable national strategy towards institutionalisation.

Taking into consideration of the left parties, the strategies the communist parties have adopted conform ideological ambiguity if viewed from classical theoretical perspective. The confusion exists with the UML and also to a large scale with the new found ML as well. This indicates that not only are the Left parties in Nepal relying from the impact of global retreat of communism, but also that most political parties have yet to find fine tune to their political philosophy to the changing conditions at both the global and national level.

NSP has messed up its policies while desperately mixing the issues of citizenship and the ethnic community residing in the hills to dispel the impression that this party too is not less nationalist one in Nepal.

Current scenario: Over the last eight years, the pro-multi-party leaders of all the major political parties, despite their rhetoric and public utterances miserably have failed to create a sound democratic political culture based on the pluralistic characteristics of the society. As a result, the system is facing unprecedented challenges over these years. The policies and programs of the political parties as circulated through their election manifestos appear to be a mere formality and gimmick that is gradually causing disenchantment among the general masses. There are verbal assurances or gossips in the name of empowering the people and like the previous regime, misuse of power resources by political leaders is virtually the same, in some cases they have even surpassed the previous regime. Except the voting right of the people, the institutional process of democracy is still far away. The voting right of the people is also misused intensively by media manipulation, money and the muscles.

The other instance of mismanagement that impedes institutional development f political culture is manifested in the bureaucracy, public corporations and even in the universities. In the past eight years with the frequent change in government, the top civil servants-Secretaries, CDOs, GMs, Executive Directors, VCs were also considerably effected. The bureaucracy instead of improving its institutional base is gradually personalised, clearly fragmented into two or three political groups supported by their respective parties. They are tempted to be benefited once their respective party comes to power and one of the reasons for growing corruption and inefficiency in the civil service and bureaucracy is that it is gradually being muzzled by political parties for their own benefit, and therefore, losing neutrality and impersonality.

Moreover, the party leaders are primarily responsible for making a mockery of democracy. In the name of democracy, the political demagogues associated with different political parties are practising hypocrisy. There exists yawning gap between rhetoric and achievement, between policies and implementation. A leader of political party makes a big speech against corruption, participates in rallies around the city areas but nothing as yet has been done beyond this canvas as the system itself seems to protect the cheaters, corrupt and commission-fed politicians.

The irony with this experiment of democracy is that political parties emerging in good number in this poor country which are inclined to their own perks and privileges than to help the Nepali people who are getting poorer everyday, with a dismal exception almost every member of the parliament has imported a tax free car at the expense of people while utilising the privileges by renting out these vehicles to the businessmen or NGOs and INGOs exploiting in both ways. Paradoxically, they have not forfeited their right to use the vehicles owned either by government or corporations as Members of Parliament.

 In this age of information explosion and increasing specialisation, our media has yet to become effective for strengthening the institutional base of democracy.

Instead of helping the people with correct information, media, like in the previous regime, has become the mouthpiece of governing elite even after the restoration of multi-party democracy. The credibility of Nepali newspapers seems to have eroded and as usual the Nepali intelligentsia have to listen to the BBC or CNN or rely on Indian newspapers for relatively reliable information about Nepal.

One of the significant developments after the restoration of this system is the mushrooming of NGOs and INGOs in Nepal. These organisations have become both the missionaries and visionaries for helping the poor. They are missionaries or agents for aggravating problems in traditional Nepali society while visionaries for strengthening the democratic institutions. These institutions are gradually eroding the moral fibre of the society and eating the vitals of democracy by creating a two distinct class of citizens within the poor nation and also destroying the local organisations and self-help groups at the village level. Many government employees are interested in working at the village/district level NGOs/INGOs which are like quick-fix, a business for quick buck and priority projects set by the donors without caring for adverse side effects and work ethics. For instance, cases could be cited for a number of university professionals inclined to work with different NGOs and INGOs with rich dividends and becoming less accountable to their own mother institution.

In short, the country is facing a series of problems and democratic government has not been able to account for any enduring impact on society. Party fragmentation and squabbling is rampant and on the rise. The party leaders are more interested to pacify angers of the members of their party than solving the problems faced by the people. The political leaders are accustomed to have tall talks on the issues such as –poverty alleviation, liberalisation, globalisation, environmental problems, gender issues, health issues and sustainable economic development etc even without precisely having perceptional clarity. They hardly feel that they are the main culprits for the kind of bad performance of democratic culture in this country. They seem to be indulged in playing a short sighted game without caring much for the fragile ingredients for our re-invented infant democracy.

Conclusion:

In order to dispel the ambivalence in our attitude and behaviour we need to develop a new paradigm and evolve effective mechanism of political socialisation and culture by inculcating democratic values, norms and practices. It is imperative that all the conscious citizens of the nation must be cautious enough to safeguard and promote institutions to facilitate democratic values, norms and practices without further loss of time taking into account the socio-economic and political realities confronting the nation today. In other words, what can we do to make a difference?

Through joint efforts of all honest politicians, university professors, other intellectuals including media personnel, bureaucrats and private sector should strive hard with all sincerity to bring awareness by strengthening the base of civil society in order to attain and sustain good governance. The strengthening of the base of the civil society would be possible only if intelligentsia shows collective wisdom and contribute substantially so that the burning problems of the day-poverty alleviation, the generation of employment and opportunities are meaningfully addressed and social justice is ensured. This obviously, would facilitate the strengthening of institutional base for democratic consolidation significantly.

Good governance is the need of the day that frames policies, maintains law and order, and protects properly rights in order to buttress production and investment in the country. It also expresses a national vision and embodies popular aspirations.

In the final analysis, political accountability and legitimacy, a fair and reliable judicial base, freedom of information and expression, effective and efficient public sector management and co-operation with civil society organisation would prove strong base for institutionalisation of democracy and help political consolidation in Nepal. In other words, transparency, public accountability and rule of law should not be confined to rhetoric and policies alone rather be translated into practice with a high sense of morality taking the people as "motive force" for making history. We must try to learn from hindsight and come out with firm determination and dedication with vision for national reconstruction before it is too late. Concluded 

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