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telelogo4.jpg (7056 bytes)   Kathmandu, Wednesday, 22 November 2000

EDITORIAL


Resume Maoist- Government talks

The national population remains puzzled over the stance acquired at times both by the government and the Maoists’ regarding the resumption of the talks as suggested by the majority of the population. By and large it is this section of the responsible citizens who pressured the government for talks with the insurgents and after a long interval of time the former sat for the talks but exhibited its childish behavior as had been witnessed during the State Sponsored Press conference of Dinesh Sharma and his colleague Dinanath Gautam. On the other hand, when the government favored a continuation of the talks with the insurgents after the "release" of the two top ranking Maoist leaders, the Maoists supremo Comrade Prachanda apparently annoyed by the humiliating presentation of his comrades-in-arm in the State owned and controlled Television went to the extent to declare that his talks with the present Koirala regime had been practically capped and that his party will proceed further with their violent activities.

However, as politics remains ever dynamic, for some unknown reasons, the Maoists’ supremo changed his stance and wished to go in for yet another round of talks with the regime on certain preconditions. Most surprisingly, the government for intriguing reasons flatly rejected the insurgent’s offer leaving the entire population to guess the whole affair of proposition for talks from one side and its summary rejection by the other.

This sudden change in the attitudes of the Maoists and the government forces us to analyze the nitty-gritties of the changed Maoists-government relations.

To begin with let us examine as to what could have prompted the Maoists leader Prachanda to propose talks with the establishment. Is it that Prachanda has reviewed his party’s policy of renouncing violence? Perhaps not because the violent attacks continue and the fresh one being at Banglung. Or is it that Prachanda perceives that his colleague Dinesh Sharma during his "dramatic" release "divulged" some "internal secret" to the government, which might have shaken and consequently weakened the party from within? Or even were it the pressures from the responsible citizens on him to resume talks in the larger interest of the nation? Further, is it that by proposing talks with the government, Maoists leader is buying time to consolidate his organization for conducting yet another assault on the government of the sort of Dunai? That Dinesh Sharma has not remained "sacrosanct" now for the party he served gets reflected from the fact that he has been not only expelled from the party but is being also kept under "surveillance". Why has Dinesh Sharma now become rotten egg for the party he served for years and years? We don’t have answers to these questions. But then what is for sure is that the answers must come from these questions regarding the change of the mind of comrade Prachanda.

Conversely, let us examine as to what could have prompted the establishment to reject Prachanda’s offer for talks. Is it that the government by now clearly recognizes the main man behind this insurgency as could have been secretly divulged by the two released Maoists insurgents which might, a guess work only, could have emboldened the establishment to the extent of rejecting the talk-offer. Recall the possibility of this "leakage" for Dinesh Sharma after his release is reported to have met the "Home Minister" for about ten minutes and then went "underground". Or is it that the government does not want to release some other Maoists leaders as demanded by Prachanda for initiating talks for fear of another media onslaught on the establishment of the sort of the previous one? Does this mean that the government is planning a greater offensive against the insurgents or knows fully well the possible hideouts of the rebellions? Here again, the answers must come from these questions.

Most importantly, the Maoists’ offer for talks and its instant rejection from the government side has come at a time when Madhav Nepal has pushed forward his proposal for a change in the constitution which by this time has become almost global. Interestingly, Madhav’s proposition has come just after the Maoists leader Dr. Bhattarai through a mind-boggling article wished a change in the present constitution but in his party’s way. On the contrary, Koirala establishment including the party he heads at the moment perceives the constitution as a perfect one that warrants no amendments or change at least at this juncture.

In the final analysis, what could be guessed is that some events appear to have influenced both the Maoists and the government to change their former rigid stances. What could be those factors needs more analysis. However, what is for sure is that a deadlock in the talks will push the nation towards the brink.


Chief-Editor : Narendra Prasad Upadhyaya
Editor : Surendra Aryal
Circulation Manager   Machhindra Pandey
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