Development of friendship with China and India a
major goal of Russian foreign policy
-Vladimir V. Ivanov, Ambassador, Russian Federation
The last year was not easy for us, for the Russians. It presented us
challenges and the misfortunes. But at the same time it gave us hope and confidence that
we are able to overcome difficulties.
We understood at last how hard it is to get dignity and how precious the
dignity of the country is. And we shall not forget it any more.
The election of the new President, undoubtedly marked the starting point of a
new stage in the development of this country. Any transition of such dimensions inevitably
involves a rethinking of the preceding phase of the political process, summing up and
subsequent adjustment of short-term and midterm strategies. Intensive work of this kind is
now under way in Russia in every area, from the economy to government-building and from
federal relations to the social sphere.
Foreign policy is no exception in this sense, and the text of Russia's new
foreign Policy Concept, appeared last summer.
In effect, the Concept presents the philosophy of everything our country does
in international relations. It sets out the guidelines, ways and methods of advancing
Russia's long-term national interests in international affairs. The purpose of the
document is to make our foreign policy even more open and predictable. It is Russia's
message to the entire international community, setting clear-cut reference points for our
future foreign policy steps.
The timing for the release of the new Concept is quite understandable since
it is the logical result of Russia's intensive quest for its role and place in
international affairs and in relations with the outside world over the past decade. That
was a long and far from easy process due to the magnitude and depth of change in the
country and around it.
The need to update the national foreign policy framework was prompted by,
among other things, Russia's new National Security Concept approved earlier as a policy
document analyzing external challenges to Russia's security. The foreign Policy Concept
follows up on these problems in the context of the specific areas in which Russia pursues
its foreign policy.
Realism will be the hallmark of Russia's foreign policy in the period ahead
– realism in approaching the international situation, in formulation concrete goals,
and in sizing up our own capabilities.
The previous Concept was adopted in early 1993, when the Russian State was
taking its first steps in the world arena. That was the reason for a touch of romanticism
and exaggerated expectations in that document. It seemed at the time that once the Cold
War was ended and the vector of Russia's own development changed, most of the problems
would be resolved of their own accord, and the world would become a harmonious and safe
place overnight.
Clearly, the early '90s offered a chance for drastically reshaping the
international order along democratic lines, and it was not Russia's fault that this
historic chance was missed. The temptation to take advantage of the strategic consequences
of the collapse of the USSR and the East European alliance as a whole proved too strong.
The new Russia's call for building a democratic world order without divides of
discrimination of any kind fell on deaf ears. On the contrary, one attempt was made after
another to put one over Russia, the widespread argument being that it should put up with
its new "modest role".
The hope that the bipolar world would be automatically superceded by broad
partnership in the interests of international stability did nor come true either. Without
losing its importance, the factor of force only changed its vector in some cases. It was
openly claimed that in the present-day conditions diplomacy could not be truly effective
unless backed by the threat or direct use of force. New hotbeds of tension emerged, some
of them right on Russia's borders. The international community had to look for answers to
many dire threats and challenges of unprecedented dimensions, such as the problem of
international terrorism.
Pragmatism is another important element that is likely to figure far more
prominently in Russia's foreign policy. Today we clearly understand that foreign policy
today should effectively contribute towards accomplishing domestic development goals. We
know that the foreign policy resources available to us today are objectively limited.
Therefore, they should be focused primarily on areas of vital importance for the Russian
State. We have given up the ideology of global messianism that was characteristic of the
former USSR, compelling it "to show its flag" in the remotest parts of the
world.
Today's Russia lives by different standards. We are not seeking diplomatic
presence for its own sake. We will practice an even-handed and prudent approach to joining
various global initiatives and projects, seek to have them shaped with due regard for
Russia's needs, and stay away if involvement does not fit in with our capabilities or
directly benefit the interests of the country.
Russia's foreign policy will be linked to the pursuit of national interests
in increasingly practical ways, and consistent and, if warranted, tough action will be
taken to uphold these interests.
It is not by chance that the Concept emphasizes Russia's interest in winning
over new friends and allies, in creating a belt of goodneighborliness around itself, and
in making good use of the mechanisms of international cooperation in order to advance its
national interests.
Focus on economic aspects will keep growing in Russia's foreign policy in the
period ahead. The priorities in this area include a contribution to the strengthening of
Russia's economy and to a revision of its foreign economic specialization, securing for
Russia an equitable membership of international economic organizations, facilitating
market entry for Russian businesses abroad, attraction of foreign investment, and
solutions to foreign debt problems.
One more critical yardstick by which the efficiency of our foreign policy
will be increasingly judged is the degree of protection of the interests and rights of our
citizens and compatriots wherever they may travel or reside. Russia's diplomacy will be
more vocative, specific and aggressive on these matters in proportion to the acuteness of
relevant problems in individual countries.
Our partners can proceed from the assumption that Russia will remain
committed to its policy line in matters of shaping a new world order. Our policy here will
proceed from the conviction that a multi-polar world system, one precluding any monopoly
or dominance in world affairs of any single power or group of nations, is the best
foundation for a stable world and sustained development.
Russia will consistently champion a further reduction of the role of armed
force in international relations, the strengthening of collective, multilateral mechanisms
of managing international processes. It is this approach alone that would enable the world
community to effectively counter numerous global challenges and new-generations risks.
The United Nations will continue to play a major role in Russia's policy in
this respect. It is precisely this organization, as we are convinced, that should remain
the main center of regulating international relations in the 21st century. Therefore,
Russia will counter attempts to erode the role of the United Nations and its Security
Council in global affairs. Our priority is strengthening the United Nations' consolidating
functions, reforming the Organization in a rational manner with a view to make it capable
of responding more promptly and effectively to world developments, and building up the UN
crisis and conflict settlement potential.
We continue to develop our relations with countries of Europe. There was an
exchange of visits at the highest levels between Russian and Britain, Germany, France,
Italy. We are watching very closely the process of integration in Europe, including its
security aspects. We resumed our dialogue with NATO and believe that it is worthwhile if
it is based on equal partnership.
It is only through active dialogue with the US that the issues of limitation
and reduction of strategic nuclear weapons can be resolved. It is in our mutual interests
to maintain regular bilateral contacts at all levels and to prevent pauses in relations
and setbacks in negotiating processes on key political, military and economic matters. I
hope Mr. Bush's Administration will show interest in businesslike partnership with Russia
in solving world problems.
Asia enjoy an ever growing importance in the context of the foreign policy of
the Russian Federation, which is due to Russia's direct belonging in this dynamically
developing region and to the need for an economic upsurge in Siberia and the Far East.
Emphasis is made on the invigoration of Russia's participation in the main integration
structures of the Asia-Pacific Region – the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum,
the regional security forum of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), and
the Shanghai Five (Russia, Chine, Kazakhstan, Kirghizia and Tajikistan), established with
Russia's initiative and active role.
Development of relations of friendship with the leading Asian nations,
primarily with China and India, constitutes a major goal for Russian foreign policy in
Asia. The concurrence of the fundamental approaches of Russia and the PRC to the key
issues of world politics in one of the basic mainstays of regional and global stability.
Russia seeks to develop mutually advantageous cooperation with China in all areas. The
main task is, as before, to bring the scale of economic interaction into line with the
level of political relations.
Russia strengthens its traditional partnership with India, including in
international affairs, and to help overcome problems persisting in South Asia and
strengthen stability in the region.
Russia views the signing by India and Pakistan of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and their accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons as an important factor of stability in the Asia-Pacific Region. It will
support the line for the creation of nuclear weapon-free zones in Asia.
In South Asia we support the strive of the nations towards closer cooperation
and integration. We wish to see progress to be achieved in this direction through SAARK.
The Russian Federation is opening new chapter in its relations with Nepal.
These relations will be developed in the new context, since remarkable changes took place
in both our countries and in the world in the last decade. We resume political dialogue
between our Ministries of Foreign Affairs and our Parliaments. I would mention just three
things, which have stricken me. Closeness of the views on major international problems,
mutual eagerness to promote bilateral relations further and very warm welcome of their
Nepalese hosts.
The Russian Federation favors the sustainable development of relations with
Japan and the attainment of true goodneighborliness that would meet the national interests
of both countries. The overall improvement of the situation in Asia, where the
geopolitical ambitions of a number of states are growing, the arms race is escalating and
seats of tensions and conflicts are persisting, is of fundamental importance to Russia.
The situation on the Korean Peninsula is of particular concern. Efforts will be focused on
assuring equitable participation of Russia in the solution of the Korean problem and on
maintaining balanced relations with both Korean states.
A few words about our policy in arms control and disarmament.
- It is the priority for the Russian policy to encourage as many countries as
possible to join and ratify the CTB Treaty to promote nuclear disarmament and
non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Russia supported the convocation of the 2nd
conference on the Treaty in 2001 and steps to create verification mechanism.
- Russia is in favour of establishing zones free of nuclear weapons in
Central Asia, in South-East Asia. We pay attention to the questions of security of
Mongolia in connection of proclamation of its non-nuclear status. Together with
"nuclear five" we support this status.
- Russia is in favour to make the work of the Conference on Disarmament more
substantive, for this end we propose to reestablish special Committee at the Conference on
prevention of the arms race in space.
- Russia despite its economic problems in making efforts to search the ways
of destruction of its chemical weapons.
And the last but not least. Moscow is strongly in favour of strengthening
strategic stability in the world and ABM Treaty is one of its major elements. All attempts
to escape from the Treaty will upset the present strategic balance and will require from
Russia to undertake resolute steps to restore the equilibrium.
One can see that Moscow in guided both by its national interests – to a
larger extend than before – and by the interests of peace, security and cooperation
on our planet. And I am sure that only this combination of national and international
interests gives Russia dignity respect and prosperity.
Excerpts of the speech made by the author 0n January 5, 2001 at Council of
World Affairs, Nepal-editor. |
