Who governs the Net?
Internet governance can function
only globally and only is all those concerned can participate. ICANN is a start in the
right direction
By Marcel Machill
People registering addresses, so-called
domain names, in the World Wide Web (www), are looking if possible for snappy, easy to
remember names. But many Internet users searching for suitable domain names suffer
unexpected setbacks: 98% of the words in a regular sized English dictionary have already
been reserved. An attempt to create an economically viable identity on the Web might well
be frustrated even before it has begun.
WHO DETERMINES how domain
names are distributed anyway? An Internet regulation authority? Perhaps a government? In
most case the Internet Corporation for Assigned Name and Numbers (ICANN) has a hand in the
matter. One thing is certain: the Internet is by no means as anarchic and uncontrollable
as it is often made out to be. In 1993 the US Department of commerce undergoing constant
changes and was also threatening to become increasingly chaotic.
IN THE FIVE YEARS previous
to that date, thanks to its exponential growth rate, the Internet had not only become a
household word but had also created a whole range of conflicts, involving such issues as
who determines the technical infrastructure of the Internet and the way it functions, who
has the right to assign domain names, and who should decide the growing number of legal
disputes between brand name owners in the real world and domain name owners in the virtual
world. As the Internet has grown into a mass medium, the need for regulation has
increased.
Historically, as the Internet continued to
develop, the American government-that played such a decisive role in the creation of the
Internet in the fifties-assumed the role of a de facto Internet government.
The USA: a de facto global Internet
government?
But as the Internet evolved from a government
financed scientific experiment to an international market placed and global information
forum, other groups- for instance other sovereign states, private businesses and
individual Internet users throughout the world began to express an interest in the
network's stability and in the process of assigning domain names. At the same time the
role of the American government as the real power behind the Internet was increasingly
resisted by other governments around the world. In the autumn of 1998 at the latest it was
clear from the large number of disputes over brand name copyrights and assigning of domain
names that changes would have to tame place in the way the Internet was being managed.
Clearly it was unacceptable for one government to regulate the Internet on its own, for
the Internet and its constituent parts can function only globally.
BUT THE INTERNET'S dynamics
seem to preclude its being regulated by conventional supranational organizations such as
the United Nations. The lengthy process of intergovernmental negotiation, which is typical
of the latter, makes it an unsuitable body for regulating the Internet. But if neither
national governments nor established multinational organizations can do the job, the
question still remains as to who should govern, who should regulate the Internet.
Because of its technical infrastructure (its
architecture) the Internet often ignores traditional constants of social interaction-such
as space and time making it a catalyst for social, cultural, and economic
revolution. This new system of co-ordinates has given rise to new regulatory mechanisms.
Driven by the dramatic success of the Web,
the community of Internet users-initially nearly all based in the USA was forced to
regulate the development of this technology itself. The need to standardize and regulate
the Internet in the absence of already existing regulatory bodies forced this community to
set up its won informal, flexible agencies. Thus the technical standards that pertain in
the Internet have been developed "from the bottom up" by self-regulatory
agencies.
For example the Internet Engineering Task
Force (IETF), founded in 1986, is responsible for all the Internet's basic technology and
has, for instance, developed standards for transfer protocols-the famous Internet
Protocols of IP's.. The standards are determined by the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C).
The consortium's is the broad technical knowledge base of its members, who currently
number more than 380 and who are active in industry and research. Every member
organization has one seat and one vote on the W3C's Advisory Committee.
BODIES LIKE THE IETF and the
W3C have no sovereign authority. They were created by the members of the Internet
community in response to problems that have arisen mostly problems of a technical
nature. But a high level of technical competence is an essential prerequisite for
participating in these bodies. The biggest technical problems that the growth of the
Internet brought with it in the eighties could be solved only by pooling technical
knowledge. We should never forget that without the technical achievements of the IETF and
its members the Internet would never been the success that it has become.
BUT A RESULT of the markedly
technical orientation of regulatory competence, it is difficult for Internet users who
have no technical background to participate in this self-regulatory mechanism. The
oft-cited potential of the Internet for creating more democracy is in danger of being
stifled by technocratic structures. For this reason, Internet self-regulation cannot be a
matter for the technicians alone but must include other groups of Internet users, such as
economic, political and social experts. The more the Internet becomes a mass medium, the
broader this co-regulatory base must be. The more they penetrate social structures, the
more their technical potential must be used to serve social needs, such as protecting
society from network crime.
"Netiquette" as an
instrument of regulation
One well-known self-regulation mechanism on
the Net is netiquette, which functions without the active intervention of politicians or
the authority of a central body, to regulate communication and interaction on the
Internet. Netiquette is a codex of unwritten ethical and moral norms, the flouting of
which leads to public criticism and collective ostracism of the offender by other network
users. Although netiquette is simply a collection of informal mechanisms, in practice it
has been sanctioned as an Internet norm that has the force of law. Another completely new
form of transparent and informal regulation on the Internet is the Request For Comments
(RFC) system: solutions to technical problems are discussed via mailing lists according to
established RFC procedures until a "rough consensus" as to the technically best
solution has been reached.
FRC'S SUBSEQUENTLY become
"legally binding" simply by being published in numbered sequence, creating what
might be called an Internet constitution-a digital loose-leaf folder of agreed-upon norms.
In establishing new regulative procedures, mistakes are made and setbacks must be
expected. But what is important is the willingness of all those concerned to work within
co-regulative structures that correspond to the structure of the Net itself and that are
just as dynamic and flexible-and sometimes even as experimental-as the Internet.
BACK TO ICANN: Under
President Clinton, the American government commissioned the National Telecommunication and
Information Administration (NTIA), which is under the Department of Commerce, with the
privatization of the Domain Name System (DNS). The NTIA in its turn commissioned ICANN, a
new non-profit organization under California law, with the daily running of the DNS. In
addition ICANN was given the task of arbitrating in disputes over brand names.
AS MICHAEL LEIBERANDT of the
Federal Ministry of Economics and Technology and the German government's representative on
the ICANN government committee recalls: "The pressure was enormous, especially from
the business sector. In our view we could not just wait until the entire board of
directors was endowed with greater degree of democratic legitimacy".
The challenge facing ICANN consisted not only
in exercising a narrowly defined technical mandate but also in solving a wide range of
problems that had been plaguing the Internet community for years-not to mention fulfilling
the expectations of Internet users, whose numbers had climbed to several hundred million.
In order to allow Internet users to participate in ICANN decision-making processes, an
"at-large" membership status was created for private individuals, entitling them
to elect five members of the board of directors. The first global online election took
place in October 2000. In theory all Internet users were entitled to vote: anybody with an
email address and "real" postal address could register as a member of ICANN and
request an electronic "ballot paper." In the final analysis only some 34,000
"netizens" participated in the election-the election process clearly needs to be
improved. "Who is the real Internet public?" asks former ICANN chairwoman Esther
Dyson. "How can we determine that those elected really represent their
constituency?"
Productive pluralism: The
ICANN experiment is the first attempt to date to deal with an elementary question of
Internet regulation using a supranational co-regulative institution created specifically
for this purpose. The goal of the ICANN experiment was to ensure legitimization through
the broad participation of Internet users, interest groups and government institutions in
the decision making process. The fact that administrating domain names is not the
most acute Internet problem that has to be solved is not the most important point at issue
here.
WHAT IS IMPORTANT is the way
in which regulatory and co-ordinatory task on the Internet are institutionally anchored,
and haw many Internet-related issues such as data protection, copyright issues, and
freedom of expression might be solved using similar structures. There are different
perceptions as to how far ICANN has proved a successful example of supranational and
participative co-regulation.
Jonathan Zittrain, ICANN expert and law
professor at Harvard University, sums up the dilemma: "The ICANN founders had to
mediate between two parties. One of these believed wwe were about to give away a US-owned
resource-a kind of virtual Panama Canal. The other, consisting of mostly non-Americans,
believed that the USA wanted to take over the Internet." German political scientist
Claus Leggewie goes so far as to declare the ICANN experiment a "failure" and
calls for the abolition of the at-large members on the ICANN board.
REGULATION MECHANISMS like
ICANN show that global Internet co-regulation is indeed possible At the same time, the
process of legitimizing ICANN has nevertheless revealed significant weaknesses. If one is
to transfer the ICANN principle to other institutions, the following basic constructional
elements must be guaranteed: a clear and unambiguous definition of the institution's
duties; transparent work processes; the inclusion and representation of all those affected
in the institution; the availability of an adequate platform for public debate; and an
obligation to render public account.
JUST AS THE ICANN experiment
has at least prompted discussion on one single relevant theme, there must exist a public
forum for discussing other similar themes, as well as basic issues of Internet regulation
a forum in which constitutional questions relating to this global communication
medium can be discussed. If one were to try and set up these individual regulatory
institutions separate from each other, one would be ignoring the interdependency of the
problems they deal with.
AS IS CLEAR from these
different examples, the entire system of Internet regulation might be improved by allowing
free competition between regulative structures. The Internet is a thoroughly decentralized
system- applying the decentralist principle to regulation of individual problem areas
means creating productive pluralism of regulative structures, such as has hitherto
scarcely been possible at the national level.
Dr. Marcel Machill, MPA (Harvard), is a
media expert and project director in the Bertelsmann Foundation. His article is based on
the Bartelsmann "Democratic Internet" project.
Text courtesy: Deutschland, E4 N
3/2001 June/July, Embassy of Germany in Kathmandu. |