I n d e p t h    A n a l y s i s
Gimmicks no solution to Systemic weaknesses!

Kathmandu: A bankrupt polity is gasping in its last stages of paralysis with its primary actors evidently assuming public postures of innocence and continue to dabble in the inconsequential. Parliament this week will continue to see the Opposition, UML, press its demands for constitutional change while the ruling party will remain indulgent in its own internal strife for Prime Ministership. These two issues will be intrinsically connected with the issue of two cabinet ministers in a single ministry of His Majesty's Government squabbling at the price of ridicule.

In a real sense, charges of corruption and counter-corruption between the Minister and the Minister of State at the ministry of Forest is likely to be the catalyst. Whether Sher Bahadur Deuba drops his Minister or his State Minister or even both, it will result in a reduction of numbers in his section of the parliamentary party. The crucial change will then occur. Whether this public row is of deliberate intent is hardly the issue. The result will be of major gain. It is not surprising that the UML must take this up in parliament. It is not surprising that the Girija Prasad lobby which supposedly controls the party is silent.

It is not surprising also that the question of the constitutional reforms as an agreed point between Girija Prasad Koirala and UML's Madhav Nepal need not be taken up by the congress if Deuba's numerical hold in his parliamentary party is to erode on its own. The on-again, off-again nature of the stand-point on constitutional reforms of the official congress line has its sources here. It is now almost certain that Deuba's fall may result in yet another Congress-UML government. The UML may most likely retain its platform for constitutional change while the Girija Prasad lobby may continue to hedge on the issue as senior government partner. The Sher Bahadur Deuba lobby will continue, it seems, to seek strength in numbers.

The strategy thus may most certainly result in yet another call for elections. This in itself is hardly the answers to systemic performances. Deuba's strategy has been to give the appearance of attempts at performance. The latest gimmick, that of a Royal Commission against Corruption", has already failed in the minds of a skeptical Nepali public. These gimmicks need not work for simple reason of a system that must thrive on the corruption that has prevailed. It is this that brings the system increasingly to a point of no return. It is this that makes the Maoists gain.

This regardless of the fact that the Maoists have now had to take an increasingly exploitative role to maintain its hold in its areas of strength.

Koirala's negative remarks for Nepali monarch and army is mysterious!

Kathmandu: Intellectuals remain puzzled over Congress president Girija Prasad Koirala's repeated remarks regarding the constitutional monarchy wherein he inevitably mentions that "at the moment the Nepalese monarchy remains pretty weak".

Utterances similar to these have more often than not been expressed by president Koirala in the recent past, to recall.

Katmandu's political watchers fail to understand the underneath "meaning" contained therein Koirala's comments regarding the "weakened" state of the Nepalese monarchy.

Is it that the Nepalese monarchy stands as a weaker force in the country as suggested by president Koirala or is it that the latter deliberately wishes to prove that it were as per his sayings? Or is that president Koirala wishes a very strong "constitutional monarchy" in the country and hence he has been ventilating or say even hinting the monarch to strengthen itself at the earliest?

President Koirala's fresh utterances regarding the monarchy has come at a time when a section of the Nepalese media and a wider section of the population, dissidents in the congress included, have been voicing their sheer concern regarding the deteriorating political health of the country for which these sections wish a "strong" presence of the constitutional monarch in order to do away with the nation's anomalies. It has also coincided with president Koirala's recent "audience" with the monarch at the Palace which for obvious reasons were kept a "guarded secret".

In effect, president Koirala made this fresh remark(s) the other day when a group of Ethnic community members approached Koirala and submitted a memorandum to him wherein one of the community's demand relates to making the nation a "secular state".

It was at this meeting president Koirala not only flatly disagreed to the demand for a "secular state", but also added that the demand could not be agreed at this "critical juncture" because at the moment Nepal's constitutional monarchy remained "weaker".

Nepal's constitutional monarchy apparently continues to be Koirala's "target" for unknown reasons. Equally interesting is Koirala's visible "dissatisfaction" with the Nepal's military force which the former exhibits at times during his speeches. Why Koirala wishes to deride or criticize the nation's military force is really mysterious.

To recall, president Koirala recently made the observation that the state of "emergency" had not been the "step" of the "government" but instead an act of the Nepali army.

Analyzing these very utterances what becomes pretty clear is that Koirala neither enjoys a comfortable relation with his own-party government nor is in "good-terms" with the Royal Nepali Army.

Intellectuals guess Koirala's anger with both the constitutional monarch and the nation's army could be due to their "hesitation" in the mobilization of the army in order to contain the threats of the Maoists insurgents at time of his Prime Ministership.

How the constitutional monarch reacted to Koirala's proposal for the mobilization of the army then against the Maoists no body can say. However, what the RNA demanded from the then Prime Minister Koirala for their mobilization, as per the reports said then, was "an all party consensus" prior to the mobilization which in effect the then Prime Minister had failed to muster.

This is a fact.

Koirala's anger presumably "doubled" with those "revered" institutions for these two apparently "supported" Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba's proposal for declaring a state of emergency and the mobilization of the army for controlling the threat of the Maoists. All these put together Koirala could have concluded that these two institutions could never be his supporters and hence the "tirade" against the two.

Whether Koirala is doing all these on his own or at somebody's instigation is not clear. However, what should be clear to Koirala is that neither the RNA nor the constitutional monarch were weaker at the moment as perceived and subsequently being uttered by him in public in the recent days, weeks and months.

It would be advisable to president Koirala that he takes into account the excessive "fluidity" currently seen in the nation's politics and stop making utterances that might "irritate" the two institutions . At least these two institutions be left where they were now and thus not be dragged into nation's almost "ugly" politics made so undoubtedly by nation's "repulsive" politicians.

Is Constitution reform agenda the sole prerogative of the UML, Congress?

Kathmandu: The UML is determined to effect certain constitutional changes in the 1990 constitution come what may. In the process the party has stepped up its pressure on the nation's prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba.

The Koirala faction of the congress too has joined the UML chorus.

The UML says that since the congress and the UML were the main forces of 1990 change and hence it is redundant to listen to other's voices including the intelligentsia and the civil society members.

Almost similar is the voice currently being expressed by the men close to Koirala congress who not only have been pressing their own prime minister to effect change in the 1990 constitution this session or face dire consequences.

Some Koirala loyalists suspect prime minister Deuba's motive when the latter talks of the change when he meets his party men from the rival faction and the UML leaders but then while talking to others, he says that for effecting changes in the constitution an all party consensus was required.

Intellectuals say that prime minister Deuba is speaking double.

A section of the congress activists even claim that the talk of effecting certain "timely" changes in the constitution has even been not discussed in the party's central committee or at the general assembly.

"How can an issue of such dimension could be decided by the party president alone"'', grumbled Gehendra Giri, who is a congress parliamentarian. According to Giri, the issue has got to be thoroughly discussed in the party and the party men from all the echelons must be taken into proper confidence prior to taking a decision in this regard.

He lamented that save a few elite in the Congress camp, others in the party do not know as to why Koirala is supporting the UML agenda for a change in the constitution.

The fact is that neither the UML nor the congress parties have taken the pain to allow this issue to go to the public. Instead they claim that "others" can't express their feelings in this connections for it is primarily the UML and the congress who had remained instrumental in the 1990 change and that the issue could only be taken up by them because they were the parliamentarians and hence the subject fell under their jurisdiction only.

This perhaps explains the so-called "democratic credentials" of both: the congress and the UML.

So far as the blunt and unacceptable remarks of the UML in this regard is understandable for it is this party which still has to accept the existing constitution wholeheartedly. To recall, the UML at time of the promulgation of the present constitution had only provided its "critical support" to the 1990 constitution that means that it still views it critically. Predictably, since the UML continues to toe the same previous line, the party will in all probability would support the "changed constitution" yet again in a critical manner. The local intellectuals would wish to know as to when the UML as a party would support the constitution "unconditionally"'? When would that limit commence? Does not it also mean that the UML has yet to assimilate itself into the mainstream Nepali politics?

Nevertheless, why the congress as a party with total commitments in the existing constitution is getting swayed by UML's rhetoric is very difficult to understand. Is it that the Koirala's congress too wishes to toe the UML line vis-à-vis the constitution?

More surprising is the UML's irritation exhibited at times as and when some learned scholars, justices, and men who have nothing to do with politics express their inner feelings wherein they opine that the time was not opportune for effecting a change in the constitution? Why is this irritation in the UML? Is it that the party fears that such utterances might boomerang their designs, good or bad, with regard to the constitutional reforms.

Questions that now could be asked to the UML and the congress as to whether the rest of the people or for that matter political parties should be taken into confidence or not prior to effecting changes in the constitution? Is it that since they brought democracy in the nation and hence they could decide the "fate" of the nation jointly without consulting the majority of the population who may or may not subscribe to their political theories or even ideologies? Should the people conclude now that from now onwards they will have no say in national affairs only because the congress and the communists have so decided?

The fact is that the congress and the communists must consider that when enough becomes enough, the silent majority comes out of the slumber.

The people definitely need certain suitable changes in the constitution time permitting. The people wish that the changes should be such that it also facilitates the Maoists to join the main stream politics of the nation. However, what is the guarantee that with the changes as propagated by the UML and the congress the Maoists will join the national mainstream? Have the Maoists' leaders whispered into the ears of the UML leaders that they would join if UML sponsored changes were effected in the constitution?

It is time that the Nepalese living abroad too take some interest in national affairs before it is too late.

The message is clear and loud.

Will the Royal Judicial Commission be allowed to work?

Kathmandu: Democratic Nepal for the first time did accept that corruption had been in an institutionalized form in the country.

Democratic Nepal also for the first time appears to have concluded that most of the anomalies that had gripped the country in the recent years were more or less connected with the menace of corruption at all the possible levels of the society, bureaucracy and the government as well.

Democratic Nepal in the process also apparently has felt that the sudden upsurge of the Maoists insurgency in the country well within a short span of six years plus could have some connection with the prevailing rampant corruption in the country more so after the advent of the new democratic order.

In the process, Democratic Nepal presumably concluded that the so-called "democrats" who have remained in the helms of affairs of the state after 1990 must be thoroughly investigated for their visible sudden change seen in their status, life-styles and behaviors if the nation-state were to prosper and the fruits of development were to reach the real targeted groups in the villages and districts.

While president Koirala and his new-found love, the UML, were busy in pressing the prime minister for effecting certain changes in the existing constitution, prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba suddenly announced the formation of a Royal Judicial Commission that would now take care of the noted criminals and the corrupts who during their tenure in government, bureaucracy and state owned corporations did amass wealth illegally at the expense of the national exchequer.

Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba deserves commendations from all more so from the lay men who had been voicing the need for such a high level Commission.

The Commission is headed by Justice Bhairab Nath Lamsal.

Interesting to note is that with the news of the formation of the said Commission itself a sort of earthquake of the magnitude of eight point on the Richter scale has apparently jolted the "power centers" and the corrupt leaders who had made the "system" a "milking cow" indeed.

The bright faces of the leaders have suddenly gone down. The fiery lectures being made by certain leaders against corruption have suddenly stopped. Albeit, they talk of combating corruption and opine that all should support the job of the Royal Commission but all in subdued voice.

The Commission has been mandated to investigate and compile the list of those who were in "lucrative posts" at one time or the other and submit the report to the government.

Here lies the weakness of the Commission. The Commission does not enjoy the authority to penalize the personality found corrupt after investigation.

Rough estimates have it that a total number of twenty thousand persons plus ( including prime ministers, ministers, bureaucrats, general managers and chairmen of the corporations, and the likes) will be under investigation. However, the time allowed to the Commission for this Himalayan job is only six-months.

The Commission will not only investigate the men in the lucrative posts but also of their near and distant relatives. To recall, the corrupts in Nepal have a habit of transferring their illegally acquired wealth in the names of their confidential and nearest relatives so that time permitting the wealth could be easily transferred back in their own names.

Be that as it may, the foot-path dwellers of the recent past who now possess astronomical amount of wealth all come under the purview/range of the investigation of the said Royal Commission.

However, lay men express their fear over the possibility of the corrupts converging together and making the investigation of the Commission difficult.

In the process, expect intellectuals, the "unseat" Deuba campaign will be geared up with the hope that the new government which will replace Deuba would be sympathetic towards them and devise mechanisms to shield the corrupts from the wrath of the Lamsal Commission.

The Commission if allowed to work honestly would create havoc in the country to the extent that the present set of Nepali leaders will have to be replaced by a complete new set of young leaders.

Nepal might face a sort of shortage in finding leaders to lead the nation.

The million dollar question is: will Nepal's political sector allow the Commission to act unhindered when they know that time permitting it would hit them hard?

Predictably, no insane person on earth would wish to invite evan the terrible in their own court-yard which means that the Commission will find it very difficult in accomplishing its job.

AF to celebrate Francophonie festival

Kathmandu: The Thapathali based Alliance Francaise is celebrating the Francophonie-the French Speaking Day, at its premises beginning next week, it is learnt from the Alliance sources.

To recall, March 20 is celebrated all over the world as Francophonie day and this year's celebration would also be the 32 anniversary of the signature of Niamey that had laid the foundation of the 'Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation' reassembling the countries that use the French language on various accounts, for example, as mother tongue, lingua franca, official language or even as medium of instruction.

The Francophonie day commits itself to work for peace by helping to prevent conflict within the French speaking world; to work for democracy by election observation missions and electoral capacity-building measures and to work for human rights by promoting hunam rights in the French speaking countries.

The week-long Francophonie festival in Nepal commences from 18 March and will last till the 22nd of this month. The programs charted by the AF include a special homage to Victor Hugo, the famous French writer; week-long poster exhibition and students activities on the French language and finally a Francophonie party on the concluding day that is on 22 March.

The French speaking world is also called as the Commonwealth of French speaking nations.

Deuba sacks two 'rotten-eggs'

Kathmandu: Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba in a daring move Monday threw out two "rotten-eggs" from his cabinet-basket.

The two illustrious rotten-eggs tried their utmost in each "exposing" the other for a scandal that occurred in the same ministry.

While full minister of Forest, Monsieur Gopal Man Shrestha alleged that his junior, minister Surendra Hamal, exceeded his ministerial functions by unlawfully transferring some of the forest ministry officials to lucrative locations in the districts, the latter alleged that his senior colleague had "collected" some two lakh cash as a bribe from some NC lawmakers for upgrading a company in far western region.

The clash did not end here. In the process, both the ministers virulently accused each other in having exceeded ministerial functions to the extent that it came into the open when the whole episode was picked up by the Nepali media. Here again the Nepali media appeared divided as is not unusual in this profession.

The event took a different turn when the main opposition promised not to allow the House to run until and unless the ministers were sacked by the Prime Minister.

The Prime Minister did sack the two but apparently has invited problems for own continuation in government.

Junior minister Surendra Hamal gave a new twist to his forced resignation by saying that he did so as per president Koirala's suggestion that only a ten percent of the total number of NC lawmakers should be made ministers.

This clearly means that while Deuba has lost one in number, Koirala on the other has gained one plus.

The whole episode of the forced resignation was made more mysterious by the sudden emergence of minister Khum Bahadur Khadka who is said to have "convinced" minister Hamal to "resign".

This apparently means that Hamal is a close chum of minister Khadka and that the latter is still playing double with his colleagues in both the camps.

This tentatively means that minister Khadka is not happy with Deuba's pressure on minister Hamal to tender resignation.

It further means that the whole event that revolved around corruption and only corruption has been given a new political color.

Summing up, minister Hamal's expulsion from the cabinet-basket definitely came as a boon in disguise for Koirala who apparently wishes an early ouster of his political rival-Deuba.

It remains to be seen how a frustrated and infuriated Surendra Hamal take revenge with prime minister Deuba. Perhaps his next political overtures will determine the speed of the " Deuba-out" campaign.

Unconfirmed reports have it that Sher Bahadur Deuba's next job would be to sack one minister currently in his cabinet who is talked to be very much fond of having "sex" in his ministerial room at the ministry itself. Last week some vernacular newspapers had printed some comments against the said minister.

Nepal's problems are varied indeed. Poor prime minister has little idea from where to begin addressing the series of frustrating as well "sexy" problems. It is here that Deuba's contingent of "advisors" must act fast.

VISIT OF BHUTAN FOREIGN MINISTER TO SRI LANKA

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Bhutan, Mr. Lyonpo Jigmi Y Thinley made an official visit to Sri Lanka last month at the invitation of the Government of Sri Lanka. During the official discussions, the Minister thanked Sri Lanka for the educational opportunities provided to Bhutanese nationals especially in the field of medicine. It was further agreed to provide full scholarships to Bhutan to follow MBBS course in Sri Lankan universities in addition to the present assistance, which includes training opportunities under the Technical Cooperation Programme for Developing Countries conducted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

At the request of the Prime Minister of Bhutan, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Tyronne Fernando has also taken steps to arrange the services of a cricket coach to Bhutan. This will help to develop and upgrade the standards of this sport, which is presently at a rudimentary stage in Bhutan. Both the Ministers expressed satisfaction at the successful holding the 11th SAARC Summit in Kathmandu and expressed their support for further strengthening of the SAARC process. They agreed to intensify their cooperation in both regional and international forums.

The Bhutanese Foreign Minister stated that the process of peace requires great courage and expressed their fullest support for the new peace initiatives taken by the Sri Lankan leadership. The two sides held that Sri Lanka and Bhutan shared a rich heritage, stemming from ancient civilizations, and a plurality of shared cultural, philosophical and spiritual traditions, especially the common contacts in Buddhism.

The visiting Foreign Minister also had meetings with the President, Prime Minister, and Minister of Health. He delivered a lecture on ‘Bhutan and her external relations’ to an invited audience of diplomats, policy makers and the media at the Sri Lanka Institute of International Relations.

The Bhutanese delegation paid a visit to the Temple of Tooth Relic in Kandy and other cultural sites. The delegation included Bhutanese Ambassador to Sri Lanka resident in Bangladesh.

RSF on Journalist arrested in Nepal

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) protested to the Nepalese government today about the arrest of Gopal Budhatoki, editor of the weekly newspaper Sanghu, and said it was concerned about prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba¹s remarks that the press must support the army and the police in the fight against terrorism. In a letter to the prime minister, RSF secretary-general Robert Ménard called for the editor¹s immediate release and said his arrest, in very dubious circumstances, was yet another example of the impunity the security forces enjoy under the state of emergency.

Budhatoki was kidnapped by four people on the evening of 3 March as he was returning home on his motor-bike. Three days later, the prime minister said he had been arrested because he repeatedly published ³invented articles about the security services with the sole aim of spreading rumours. Devendra Gautam, a member of a local journalists¹ organisation, said the articles reported financial irregularities in the purchase of helicopters by the army. The prime minister charged that publishing such material was the same as cooperating with the terrorists.

Budhatoki had been arrested by the security forces on 17 December last year, interrogated and then freed a day later. Sanghu had printed extracts from a press release by the leader of the Maoist rebels, who are accused of terrorism.

RSF also pointed out to the prime minister that more than 20 journalists were still being detained under the state of emergency and called on him to see that habeas corpus suits brought by lawyers and the journalists¹ families were heard with the strictest regard for the law.

Since the state of emergency was declared by the king on 26 November last year, all basic rights, especially freedom of expression and opinion and the right to information, have been suspended. Under the provisions of the emergency, anyone even indirectly supporting the Maoist rebels can be prosecuted. The army also has the right to see all articles about the battle against the guerrillas before publication.

This has been stated in the press release issued by the RSF based in Paris dated 7 March 2002.

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