I n d e p t h    A n a l y s i s

Wrong priorities ail Chand government!

Kathmandu: As Tihar—the Light Festival- ends, expansion of the currently stilted cabinet appears the foremost priority for the Lokendra Bahadur Chand ministry currently seeking legitimacy through the participation of the major parties which continue their public opposition of HM the King Gyanendra's use of Article 127. This opposition was expected. The partisan media and the partisan intelligentsia continued to give space to the party point that the Royal measure was unconstitutional. Both the media and the academics are asking the people to forget that almost always over the 13 year period of our restored multi-party democracy, the party standpoint on the constitution when dealing with the King has been proved wrong and partisan. The judiciary which has not been brought to use this time can attest to this singular fact over the years.

Surprisingly the media is either unwilling or unable to comprehend the gravity of the constitutional compulsion imposed on His Majesty the King regarding the use of Article 127. The concern appears to lie on the fate of our democracy. This obsession, as our party leaders would want, turns us away from the actualities of a nation in proximity to a failed state. Of course, a government seemingly bending its back to win over participation from these very parties appears to be aiding this party onslaught. Outside the anti-corruption news, it is the party that dominates the front page in the presence of any substantial actions and statements from this source.

Beyond the media and the critical intelligentsia, "a will-it, won't-it" situation speculating on the expansion of the cabinet and the possible party participants dominates the rumor market. Real politics appears to concentrate on bargains and saving face behind the public posturing. It is this public posturing that should have been focus of media criticism.

It is clear by now that Girija Koirala has taken the extreme posture by alleging a "grand-design" in the Royal Palace and so it is safe to conclude that this quarter is not only a non-participating in the cabinet expansion but will most likely conduct its opposition to the Royal move in all extremities. The UML on the other hand becomes a likely partner for Chand as every other day its public posturing and conditionalities become more congenial. Having Sadbhavana and the RPP along with the UML and even perhaps individuals of both the Koirala and Deuba Congresses participate in government becomes so much of an obsession that it is likely that the congenial Chand government forgets the widespread public support for the Royal measure which is based on real demands for immediate relief.

BOX NEWS/ANALYSIS:
Chand's month totally disappointing and frustrating

Kathmandu: A month after the Lokendra Bahadur Chand ministry was formed, it has become clear that government preoccupation remains with the induction of party seniors from the Congress and the UML. This preoccupation has evidently drawn severe criticisms from the public at large who await fast action with concrete and decisive programs.

The Opposition is cashing in. It is visibly ridiculing the effort to seek cooperation by insisting repeatedly and publicly that the government has no support from them. It is raising public expectations simultaneously denouncing the government non-performance. Of late, it has begun threatening "public action against the Royal move"'. So far street actions remains limited to cadre.

At another level, the Maoists speed up their activities. Violence and terror is on the upswing. Seeking advantage as time come for the negotiations is a predictable move in dispute.

Unfortunately there are only mild indications that government has something other than their search for cooperation up their sleeves. There is talk of crash-economic program. There is talk of a relief package. Statements at time signal contacts with the Maoists for negotiations. As yet however, it is finance minister Badri Prasad Shrestha's mild economic program that remains the lone tangible policy move which is a source of public disappointment.

Strip News/Analysis:
Confrontational mood prevails; bodes ill for the nation

Kathmandu: The difference lies in the perception of the events that have unfolded after the Royal measure of October 4, last month.

The difference also lies in defining the October 4 move of the Constitutional monarch by the leaders of the major political parties of the nation and perhaps the monarch himself.

And finally, there is yet another perception that the laymen and the marginalised population possess in their hearts and brains regarding the October 4 move initiated by the monarch while unknotting the constitutional deadlock created solely by the sudden request of the then prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to the monarch for deferring the dates of the November 13 elections.

The King apparently feels that whatever he has done were all under the limits of the 1990 constitution. The political parties consider that the King exceeded definitely his constitutional limits while using the Article 127 on October 4 and hence they wish that the King himself corrects his past mistakes.

The King apparently is not in a mood to comply to what the leaders of the political parties have of late been saying or for that matter demanding.

Equally true is that the political parties will not settle for less than expecting some "corrective measures" from the King himself in order to what they claim to bring back the "derailed democracy" to the "rails".

There is a mood of confrontation on both the sides indeed which if continues for long definitely bode ill for Nepal's democratic system and its smooth functioning as well.

The lay men remain puzzled. It is this set of the marginalised population who neither participated in the system of governance nor were invited by those whom they themselves "picked" up as their own "'representatives".

This clearly means that there is a triangular tussle.

The first set is apparently represented by those who ruled the nation for all along the past thirteen years and brought the nation to the present stage of chaos "democratically". Undoubtedly, it is the set now being represented by the Congress, the UML and the RPP who claim that the King went too far on October 4 and that the latter wishes to go alone without seeking the support of the political paraphernalia in steering the nation.

The second set more or less is represented by those who wish the monarch to take up the lead role and drive the country much the same way as late King Birendra did during the erstwhile regime.

The third set is bit cautious. This set believes in the continuation of the democratic system as before but prefers that the constitutional monarch be allowed to wield some more powers so that at time of crisis he could "tame" the wild "democratic" political creatures running the nation.

In essence, the present difference in between the political parties and the constitutional monarch appears to have much to do with satisfying their respective political egos.

If the political parties wish to take the executive power back from the monarch and continue with their loot in the name of democracy, the king apparently wishes to hint the political parties that if need be He too could intervene in the political arena and that He would not allow the political creatures to squeeze the nation and that too in the name of democracy.

In essence, the King has already made it clear to the political parties on October 4 that he will not remain like a mere spectator and allow the country to remain hostage to the whims of the political parties.

Analysts maintain that King's October 4 move and the subsequent Royal measure of appointing the Cabinet on his own on October 11is clear indication to the political parties that whatever he has done was purely constitutional and that if need be he could repeat the same measures in the future come what may.

Interesting as it may appear, but the hard fact is that at the very popular level, the monarch's October 4 and 11 moves have not been taken otherwise as is being interpreted by the political leaders otherwise.

Does this mean that the marginalised population is yet to reconcile with the present day political leaders and their past performances? Does this mean that the system if were to survive, the marginalised population must be allowed to participate in the system of democratic governance? Perhaps yes! Or is it that the King has cashed in on the existing public hatred against their own "democratic" leaders and their corrupt practices? Perhaps yes!

Fortunately enough, the King has time and again reiterated his firm commitments for the present day order.

But then yet, it is time, opine matured political analysts, that both King and the leaders sit across the table and diffuse the mood of confrontation in the larger interest of the system and the nation.

Miscellaneous:
Chand finds himself in between frying pan and fire

Kathmandu: Nepal as a nation-state is really in trouble.

The politics of the nation remains far from satisfactory. The security situation has unquestionably deteriorated and has already taken a worse turn of late.

The foreign currency earner, tourism sector, remains paralyzed since long with no indications of fast recovery in sight as acts of violence have suddenly increased in the recent days.

The economy is already approaching a collapse.

The caretaker government is yet to become stable and enjoy the blessings of Nepal's major political parties.

Down at the lower level, a sort of panic, chaos, uncertainty prevails that is adding to the fluidity of the national politics.

The politicians have yet to reconcile with the unfolding political events in order to stabilize the volatile political situation.

Undoubtedly, the existing political fluidity, as could be concluded, is being cashed in on by the Maoists insurgents who blow hot and cold concurrently.

In effect, the present fluidity in the national politics has apparently emboldened the insurgents to increase their violent activities in order to "'press" the government in Singh Durbar to come to the talks forwarding no "pre-conditions".

At times of negotiations, analysts opine, the rivals wish to exhibit their superiority over the other competing partner so that the latter could be forced to yield as much as could be made possible.

" The present acts of terrible violence perpetrated by the insurgents could be their calculated strategy in forcing the government to come to the talks on their conditions"', said one security analyst.

He however, also opines that so far this government has not set any preconditions for talks and hence could be fairly said that if the talks are held, it would be held without setting preconditions.

If one were to believe he fresh utterances of Deputy Prime Minister Mr. Mandal, then what could be fairly said that the government is willing talks to resume and that too without setting any preconditions.

To recall, Deuba had said that the talks will resume but only when the rebellions laid down their arms.

Be that as it may, one wonders why the Maoists have of late increased their acts of violence when they too have hinted that they stood for the resumption of the now stalled talks with the establishment?

Prachanda has preferred talks. He is on record to have reiterated that his party would attend talks and that his doors were open for talks. The government also reciprocates the same. The intellectuals and the lay men prefer the early resumption of the talks. Prachanda has gone to the extent that he said last month that his men will attend talks participated in by all including the representative of the King.

All these exhibit the longing for peace from both the warring sides and the peace-loving population alike. But then yet why at times the insurgency blows hot and cold?

Only recently, the insurgents hinted that the Royal move of October 4 were the culmination of bad governance of the nation provided by the leaders who manned the system for twelve years; in the same vein they also said that the Royal move was a regressive one which did away with whatever rights the people enjoyed after 1990 movement; similarly they hint that they were against the Royal move but yet wish the King's nominee at the negotiating table; the insurgents began their violent activities this round to coincide with the constitution day subtly hinting that they were not happy with the present constitution and hence prefer an altogether new constitution; they continue to demand an interim arrangement that would pave the way for the formation of a constituent assembly which will later frame a constitution of their liking and the list of their blowing hot and cold goes on and on.

But nothing to panic. Reports have it that the Chand government is already on the move and that at the very informal level, contacts with the Maoists leaders have already been established. However, the agenda on which the two warring rivals will delve upon is yet to be finalized.

Given the increased acts of violence of late and given the overly stretched political fluidity, it would be advisable to both the negotiating parties in question to think of the nation first and then rest of the things.

The Chand government would be considered a Himalayan failure if it could not bring the Maoists to the talks and declare the dates for the next elections.

Chand's political career would be tested in these two matters. Declaring elections without appeasing the insurgents will have no meaning. Time is running fast and the people will not provide him enough time.

If he doesn't declare elections shortly, he would be the target of the men within and without. If he does not appease the Maoists, even the declaration of the election dates will meet the Deuba fate. How he strikes a balance should be his problem indeed.

Certainly Prime Minister Chand is between frying pan and the fire. He has no alternatives under his sleeves.

King should devolve executive powers says UML

Kathmandu: A clear division prevails in the UML party over joining the Chand cabinet.

Though superficially its leaders voice their disregard for the Chand cabinet and claim that it was a cabinet lacking constitutional legitimacy, but the fact is that a majority of the party leaders wish to join the cabinet at the earliest.

Those who summarily reject joining the cabinet are party general secretary Madhav Nepal and a few of his colleagues. The rest of the UML stalwarts see immense political benefits in joining the cabinet.

Understandably this set is led by Madhav Nepal's declared and recognized rival—K.P.Woli.

That Madhav Nepal and Woli continue to be at their dagger's drawn gets reflected from the fact that instead of elevating the ranks of his arch foe Woli, Mr. Nepal devolved his Secretarial powers onto Bharat Mohan Adhikari prior to his departure to Colombo to attend a meeting there.

Mr. Adhikari enjoys least political support in his own Biratnagar constituency. He was inducted, to recall, in the UML simply because he happened to be the "brother" of late Man Mohan Adhikari. Comparatively speaking, Woli still commands respect in his Jhapa constituency.

That the party remains sharply divided over the existing politics also gets reflected from the fact that an influential member of the party recently resigned from his party post simply because he appealed the party leaders to "'reconcile" with the emerging politics of the nation in the larger interest of the system and the nation.

The hard-liners led by Mr. Nepal preferred to sack Mr. Chaulagain instead of agreeing to the latter's appeal. Sources close to Chaulagain say that there were still a good number of members who appreciate Chaulagain's idea but for obvious reasons have remained tight-lipped.

The hardliners led by Mr. Nepal opine that the moment the monarch delegates his "'executive" powers to the Chand cabinet, they would not mind in joining the cabinet led by Chand.

This means that their former claim which came in the form of an allegation that the King exceeded his constitutional limits on October 4 will be forgotten the moment the monarch devolves his executive powers to the cabinet. This means that if the King does so as per the UML's wishes would mean that whatever the King did on October 4 and 11 will automatically assume the constitutional cover. And this finally means that any act of the monarch would be considered constitutional and democratic by the UML if the King honored their preferred political dictates.

The UML forgets to understand that the way it is defining the constitution is in itself unconstitutional and undemocratic as well. The message should be clear to the UML.

Apology

We apologize for being not able to print the 7th November issue of the Telegraph Weekly because the printing house remained closed for all along three days for Tihar festivals.

Likewise, due to the Maoists sponsored three days Bundh in series, we failed to print this issue on time.

We hope that our readers would understand our difficulty.

Narendra Prasad Upadhyaya
Chief Editor, The Telegraph Weekly

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