I n d e p t h    A n a l y s i s
New conspiracy against the King afoot!

Kathmandu: All indications are that a decisive movement is on to break the stalemate. The Maoists as predicted have heightened their terror activities. The Girija-Congress now openly talks of coalescing to bring them to the table. The UML agrees. Prime Minister Deuba's corner insists that the Maoists must lay down their arms. In this midst is the acknowledgement that elections may not take place. The fact is that our parliamentary parties have been unable to enter the constituencies. The fact is again that the major political parties will want a say in government prior to the polls. The Maoists dangle this bait as a way out. The fact is that the Maoists too want a say.

Perhaps the more notable factor of which none are willing to talk of publicly is that the constitution is silent in these demands. There is only one way out under the constitution and that is under Article 127 where residual powers are to be exercised by the King. And so the grand conspiracy is on. The Congress-Girija and the UML along with the Maoists would want to ensure that Article 127 be used by the King to their benefits. The common interest here gives new meaning to the rejuvenated Maoists insurgency of late, it gives new meaning to the demands from these quarters on uplifting of the emergency and moreover, it gives equal importance to the demand for the "necessary environment" for the elections.

The conspiracy lies here. The interests meet. And, so, the possibility of violence increasing coming simultaneously with demands which effectively aim to curtail capabilities of the security forces will be on the increase. Perhaps additional activities that aim to divert or add to the preoccupation of the security sector is predictable. Amidst this conspiracy it is lost to the people at large that the very forces that acknowledge that elections are the only way out of the present mess are conducting activities inimical to the essential environment for the elections. Except, of course, the Maoists who now become the most convenient spear-head for these activities.

No body is saying that the elections will not take place. Every body on the other hand is contributing to the environment inimical to elections. The mystery lies here. And so to the conspiracy.

And so one must take clues from the other controversy that has been raised from a totally different quarter, the partisan media. If party leaders are nowhere near talking of article 127 of the constitution and the King's residual powers, it is the current topic in the party media discussions on how the King should use this constitutional provision to break the deadlock in their favor are widespread even when the leadership is quiet on the issue. Regardless of the fact that the partisan media has been promoting the idea of the King reviving the dissolved parliament if elections do not take place, it is lost in these arguments that this need not be the only way out in the exercise of article 127 to break the stalemate. It is precisely this that nominated Upper House member D.P.Shah was saying to a reporter interviewing him among others on this seemingly important issue when he was sacked. The Palace meaningfully wished to distance itself from his personal opinion as a legal expert by demanding his resignation. Having failed to make Shah's statement controversial because of the prompt resignation, these quarters apparently now would rather further controversialise the Palace on grounds of the manner his resignation was demanded. It is lost amidst this controversy that nominated members have previously too tendered their resignation at the very source of appointment in this case the Palace. (Mr. Prem Kumar Sherma had done this some eight years back-Telegraph).

In any case, the signals are far too clear. Nepal's political elite would want the King's intervention prior to the elections. The conspiracy is on to pressure the King to do so on their behalf and solely for that purpose. It is towards this that the political movement is underway. In this the hidden coalition of the congress and the UML along with the Maoists should be evident. Whether the King should act, act solely on their behalf or whether the King should act towards a permanent solution for stability identifying the very sources of instability is what the public ponder over.

Theoretician Koirala sees calculated moves against the System!

Kathmandu: President of the splinter congress - Girija Prasad Koirala is presenting himself as a theoretician.

Indeed he was a serious analyst before the split. Add to this his charismatic image which he possessed immediately after the 1990 change. In the process, he also gave an impression to the entire Nepali population that he and he alone is the defender of the present democratic system. To sum up, what he was not prior to the split?

A visibly desperate and nervous Koirala now pushes his new theory wherein he gleefully declares that the present crusade of the CIAA against corruption were all aimed at scrapping democratic system from the country.

Local intellectuals fail to understand the meaning underneath in Koirala's new theory wherein he sees now a threat to democracy not from the King, nor even from the military but from an organ that has been assigned to take actions against those who have squeezed the national exchequer through unlawful means and hence fall under the category of the corrupt.

Koirala's noble theory has come at a time when most of his former aides and a few who were still housed in his already fragmented coterie had already come to the notice of the CIAA and rumors are agog that a good number of Koirala's former and present aides will land in jails if the CIAA initiated actions against them.

Local intellectuals also fail to understand Koirala's brand new theory and ask how the system would suffer when Nepal's noted and declared corrupt leaders or for that matter politicians come under the target of the CIAA? Is Nepal's democratic system that weak? Or is it that if Koirala's former and present aides were sacked by the CIAA, the system will collapse like a house of cards? Or does he wish to forward the theory that it were these men and women in his coterie who had been giving lease of life to the existing system and that if his chums were penalized the system would crumble?

The fact is that by penalizing the corrupt, whether they be in Koirala or Deuba camps or even in the UML paraphernalia, the system will regain its already lost credibility. The fact is that by initiating actions against the corrupt, a new positive message will reach the population that a democratic system could penalize even those who have had worked for the restoration of the system in the past!.

Intellectuals remain baffled as to how the system was under a threat when one competent constitutional organ started to carry on a job which it has been assigned with? Should this mean that the CIAA must not initiate further action against the corrupt as its actions might pose a threat to democracy ?

The fact is that if the CIAA does not initiate speedy actions against the corrupt leaders, politicians, ministers and the bureaucrats, the system will be put to test and people might question the viability and the very suitability of such a system in this country. The system which has already become synonymous to corruption will have regained its true image if the CIAA nabbed those who gave a very bad name to a system that is considered one of the best systems in the world.

The CIAA or for that matter the government itself have two options now: It has now to decide whether to go the Koirala way or a way which accommodates the wishes of the people and that begins with the speedy actions against the corrupt?

Chances are fair that if the establishment or the CIAA toed the Koirala line, the prevailing system will definitely have to face a major set-back. But if it is the otherwise, then the long existence and the continuity of the system is assured.

Koirala's anger for the CIAA's present moves apparently were his personal fear. For he understands that he too had his personal engagements in scams like the Lauda and the Dhamija -- both related with the airlines. To recall, the CIAA very subtly had indicated that Koirala as a Premier of the nation too had exceeded his prime ministerial functions and limits.

All put together, Koirala's new theory appears more guided by his personal fear of being dragged by the CIAA than his true commitments to the system. Thanks that the CIAA is yet to talk about and take note of Ms. Sujata Koirala-Jost and her personal assets that she supposedly collected during her father's perennial and perpetual Prime Ministership of this country.

Koirala must understand that a system gets an added strength when the men who have been eating the system like a moth are brushed aside once and for all. Koirala must also understand that the people were with the system and will continue to support the same all along provided the rotten eggs -- the so-called democrats— are brought to book

Nepal's new security policy in the offing

Kathmandu: Two separate statements that emanated from two different authoritative quarters, which were made public last week have drawn the attention of Nepal's informed citizenry.

Surprising though it may appear, both the statements had three things in common: both the statements were made in the Nepali soil; and both were related to Nepal's security system and finally both the statements talked of the need to review Nepal's present day security policy.

The first statement came from a diplomatic quarter. It was the United States Ambassador Michael Malinowski's who made a remark on Nepal's security policy and more or less suggested the Deuba establishment that "Nepal now needed a new security policy". The US diplomat made these observations at a Saint Xavier certificate distribution ceremony some ten days back.

Later it was given to understand that the Ambassador's statement was "misquoted" or misinterpreted" or even "distorted" by the media man with whom Ambassador Malinowski supposedly talked at the very premises of the said educational institution itself.

The fact is that the US embassy has yet to refute officially the statement thus talked to have been misquoted. This means that Ambassador Malinowski's statement remains valid.

The second statement came a few days later of Ambassador Malinowski's modest suggestions. Home Minister Khum Bahadur Khadka the other day made a similar statement while he was addressing a gathering in Lalitpur.

Minister Khadka said in fact that "We will soon have a new security policy".

Strikingly similar statements indeed.

Now the question arises as to whether the two authorities were in constant contact with each other and were thinking of framing a new security policy in order to meet the increased challenges posed by the Maoists insurgency of late?

Should this mean that the US Ambassador and his friends from the developed West were not pleased with the kind of lopsided security policy of the Nepali establishment and hence wished Nepal to frame or devise a new policy which would be more effective than the previous one?

Or is it that the Ambassador was speaking on behalf of his own country and did not represent other's views and possessed no intention or whatsoever to impose his "personal opinion" on Nepal?

Is Home Minister Khadka's similar statement on the same topic a mere coincidence?

When powerful and influential friends so desire, and the establishment in Kathmandu too wishes to go ahead with a new security policy means that Nepal will soon have a new security policy that will take proper care of the lapses seen in the present day security system.

However, the fact is also that after the two separate statements emanated, the Maoists insurgents have stepped up their violent activities in the recent days which have taken its heavy toll.

Intellectuals opine that good advice from any quarter must be considered if it in essence benefited the nation. It is time now that a serious debate be brought under discussion whether or not Nepal needed an altogether new security policy to meet the challenges in the changed context.

When the idea of having a new security policy has already been initiated, it will be expedient of the government to bring in security analysts, civil society members, scholars and media men to discuss a matter of such a dimension.

Resume dialogue with Maoists before September 16

Kathmandu: The latest and one of the deadliest strike by the Maoists has once again cast a dark cloud over Nepal's already uncertain political scenario.

During the nine month long state of emergency, it was the government side that seemed to have an edge over the Maoists with numerous sporadic killings of the rebels in the various encounters. But the rebels were silent all the while which the oblivious government failed to take cognizance of. In the meantime, even a layman could be heard saying that the Maoist were consolidating their military strength at minimum losses at the hands of the security personnel. As a result, the latest carnage – the slaying of security personnel in Sindhuli and Arghakhachi in colossal numbers, which forces the citizenry to wonder about the fate of not only the system but also of the nation itself.

The government is to be primarily blamed for all the setbacks it has had to face in the recent days at the hands of the Maoists insurgents.

To recall, the insurgency had almost two months ago declared that September 16 would be a Nepal closure day and that they will attack important installations in the country before that.

The Maoists have shocked the nation through their latest merciless assault on the security personnel. Their present killings can in no way be taken as an human act.

However, the government could have minimized the losses of the security personnel had it read in between the lines the declaration of the Maoists wherein they had indicated that they might go on a rampage in or around September 16.

The government can also be blamed on the ground that it did not take the Maoists' leniency for talks which they had been airing for the last couple of months. The government should have taken it seriously and should have taken steps for creating an atmosphere for the talks. The government also rejected the plea and the appeals from various responsible quarters for initiating a dialogue with the Maoists. However, the government dismissed the plea for talks for its own unexplainable reasons and insisted that talks were possible only if the other camp laid down the arms. The government not only rejected the plea of the civil society but also totally ignored the wishes of the international community of initiating talks with the rebels.

To recall furthermore, even countries like the US, UK and others who were and are in the forefront in supporting Nepal against terrorism too had been hinting that ultimately dialogue and only dialogue could be a permanent solution to this overly stressed imbroglio.

The government instead remained engaged with its petty party politics and in making "foren" junkets which practically were irrelevant in view of the emerging scheme of things.

To sum up, the recent loss of hundreds of precious Nepali lives and the destruction of national assets are nothing but the outcome of the government's adamancy and visionless behavior.

Whether the government likes it or not, majority of the population wish the talks to resume in order to restore normalcy in the country. What is the harm in accepting Prachanda's recent offer of dialogue which he has been making public since two months or so? A close look at his statements made public in the recent days clearly hints that he too wishes an amicable solution to the problem.

It is time that all peace-loving people in the world impress upon Deuba establishment to resume the dialogue process. Moreover, it will be a most welcome move should the two warring rivals sit together ahead of the September 16 deadline and agree on cease-fire at the least for the time being. Failing to do so, might invite untold sufferings to the people and the system as well.

IPI media leaders express deep concern

Kathmandu: A seven member delegation from the Austria based International Press Institute(IPI) is in town.

The leader of the delegation is Prof. Johann P. Fritz who is at the moment the director at the IPI headquarters in Vienna.

The team is here to get first-hand information regarding about the overall state of human rights, press freedom and the behavior meted out by the government towards the Nepali press, more so after the imposition of state of emergency.

During the visit, the team is expected to visit and hold discussions with the various Nepali media houses. In the process, the IPI delegation held a round table discussion with the members of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists, Press Council and Department of Information on Tuesday morning. The FNJ was represented by the President Tara Nath Dahal, the Press Council by its Chairman Harihar Birahi and the Department of Information by its Executive Director D. Khatiwada.

The team expressed their solidarity with the Nepalese journalists and assured that the IPI will take up the matter seriously of the Nepalese journos sentenced to jail and put behind the bars without furnishing the reasons. The leader of the team, Mr. Fritz, however, also suggested the local journos to stick to the universally accepted do's and don'ts of the journalistic ethics.

The team included members from Turkey, South Korea, Norway and Japan.

The FNJ president Mr. Dahal briefed the delegation about the various activities of the Federation in favor of the professional journalists.

The deputy coordinator of the foreign relations committee of FNJ, Mr. N. P. Upadhyaya facilitated and coordinated the program which ended up in the most cordial manner with all the sides agreeing to remain in close contacts in the days to come.

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