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I n d e p t h
A n a l y s i s Kathmandu: - More than an art of the possible politics in Nepal becomes an art of confusion with the actors of various hues vying for advantage while creating confusion. The mainstream political parties have thrust their volatile student cadre to spearhead their join5t movement of their choice. In the process they threaten the governmentMaoists talks finally taking place this week. The Maoists seeing the growing distance between the government and the mainstream parties seek advantage by possibly even aborting the talks. The government on the other hand is increasingly presenting itself as a bulk of contradictions dabbling inconvenience in the search for a way out both in the talks and in the student problem. The public at large is a bystander gaping at the intensity of the violence encouraged by the political parties in the student move. The idea is to remind the public of the student movement of 2036 (1979) as the partisan media says. Perhaps the date 2046 (1989) is not being mentioned as it is the Maoists who demand that change and they are sensibly talking with the government with that aim. A flustered public cant but look askance at the seeming confusion is government. Personal ministerial ambitions appear very much at work in sending different messages to the public at the same time. Coherence is lacking when coherence is must at least from government amidst the purposive attempts at confusion from everyone else. The T.U has made a statement contradicting its previous stand not to postpone elections. Now the T.U insists that classes are on and no decision has been made to shut down the agitating campuses. The aim now will be to make the campuses unruly enough to close down campuses sine die. The media has once more began tilting towards the sources of the flow of news and views of the vocal. It is the Maoists and the mainstream parties that are the more vocal. Outside of the speeches at inaugural functions government appears incapable of reaching out of the masses assuring them of their control power events. So far however, the public remains apathetic to the politics of it all. Students have been left to themselves. Party politics is more of concerns of leaders increasingly ridiculed for their wayward statements and even the Maoists have suffered from media over exposure incredibility. Maoists swinging Nepali politics their way Kathmandu: Maoists politics has really become very difficult to understand. The fact is that the utterances of its leaders now aboveground contradict their own declared avowals. The fact is also that leaders like Dr. Bhattarai, Badal, Mahara, Dev Gurung and Matrika Yadav who at times make whirlwind tours of the districts in their bid to bag favor and sympathies from the common population speak differently which confuse the people who have yet to understand as to what amounted to a constituent assembly and what is the bird called round-table conference. These utterances give an impression that they could become equally flexible if pressed by the other camp and could negotiate any thing under the sun that temporarily benefited their camp. However, they also hint during their fiery speeches that they will not settle for less than installing an altogether "new model" of democracy which they have unfortunately not made it abundantly clear as to how it would look like. Be that as it may, the Maoists are at the moment on the run to districts in their bid to reach up to as many people and places prior to caging themselves into the talks with the "old regime". They talk differently to different people and groups and political parties. They appear close to the UML and are all set to manage a sort of working alliance with the party. The UML naturally becomes happy when it receives the impression that the firebrand communists were with their political paraphernalia. However, this is not in essence. Surfacially the Maoists are with the UML and its programs launched against the monarchy. But in essence they have pointblank rejected the UML theory that advocates the formation of an all-party government at the center. The UML is also of the impression that the Maoists must be closer to them for both adhere to communist ideologies. However, the Maoists by this time have understood the UML and the kind of communist ideologies they have been practicing of late. The fact is that the UML in the eyes of the Maoists is not at all a communist paraphernalia while the Maoists consider themselves till to-date the torch bearers of the ideologies they adhere to. More so the Maoists understand that if time permitting they enter into the mainstream will mean a direct competition at time of the polls with the UML and the hard fact is that because of the dwindling policies recently acquired by the new UML leadership headed by Madhav Nepal its cadres were slowly but very steadily sneaking into the Maoists camp which is in effect means a disaster for the UML at time of the elections. This means that both the UML and the Maoists can albeit shakehands with each other but cant support each other at time of the elections. Equally true is the fact that the Maoists appear to have sided with the Congress under Girija babu so far as the latters confrontation with the Kings October 4 moves are concerned. The Maoists have hinted Koirala that they will side with him until the King delegated his powers back to Singhdurbar. But this is not all. The Maoists have clearly hinted the congress and the UML that they are all set to enter into a dilogue with the old regime which means that they recognize the King as a force yet. They have never said that they will not talk with this government for it lacked legitimacy and were an unconstitutional entity. On the contrary, their preference for the talks with this set does amply hint that they not only recognise this government but also have concluded that it is the King and the King only who can at this juncture offer them their desired concessions but not the parliamentary parties who have been denied their role in the talks as the latter claim. The fact which has gone unnoticed in the Nepali press is the Maoist leaders penchant to have a tete-a-tete with the King at the latters convenience. This perhaps amply speaks of their contention that in the present scheme of things, the King counted more than the parliamentary parties. And this is perhaps the reason that they have not yet pressed the parliamentary parties to be a part of the negotiating team that is to finalize their demands time permitting. This could be a message to the congress and the UML. This also means that in what position the rebels have kept these parliamentary parties. Perhaps for the rebels, the utility of the congress and the UML will surface if the talks with the old regime failed. All in all, for the Maoists, all political parties including the monarchy were close and the otherwise. Their closeness with the political parties will apparently be determined by the utility of those at time of the crunch. That the Maoists were also at a distance with the Nepali monarchy becomes clear from one editorial that appeared in the Times of India on April 15. If that were the views of the Maoists regarding the Nepali monarchy then what becomes clear is that we the Nepalese will be forced to see Indian newspapers to understand how the Maoists wish to see things in Nepal. Significance perhaps lies here. This speaks of their political acumen that allows them to negotiate with each and every political force individually or even collectively. The Maoists can tilt the existing tripartite power balance should they so desire. Wisdom would be to maintain this balance. Prachandas fresh statement, a new headache for Koirala and Nepal Kathmandu: The Supremo of the CPN-Maoists, comrade Prachanda alias Pushpa Kamal Dahal has hit the media headlines. His fresh statement must have come as a bolt from the blue to the UML and the Nepali Congress who apparently had thought that the Maoists camp one fine morning would come to their rescue in their bid to cut down the size of the King in the face of their announcement that they would launch a sort of political agitation against the monarchy simply to bring back the power back to the Singdurbar from the Palace. This is perhaps Comrade Prachandas maiden statement well after his colleagues entered Kathmandu valley with a big-bang a month ago. Comrade Prachandas expression puts a cap onto the parliamentary parties expectations that the Maoists would support their political cause that is to begin soon if every thing goes smoothly. The Maoist supremo, however, has both carrot and sticks under his sleeve. If he on the one hand rebukes the parliamentary parties for their what he calls "illusionary" demands, he then equally on the other warns the government that any hanky-panky in initiating the talks would be very costly for the establishment. In effect, Prachanda has provided a severe blow to President Koiralas one point agenda or say demand of the restoration of the now dissolved parliament by saying that the demand as such becomes totally "redundant" given the present "constitutionless" state in the country. Prachanda then targets Madhav Nepal and his party the UML and says that the formation of an all-party government at the center will not make the arrangement "democratic" and "constitutional" as is being interpreted by the UML. Elaborating it a bit more further, Comrade Prachanda goes on to say that the consideration of the UML and other parliamentary parties that the formation of an all-party government comprising of all the parliamentary parties will not make that structure a democratic and constitutional one and that to imagine that such a government formed would solve the issues confronting the nation would be a sheer "illusion". He then says that in the present day context the formation of a socalled all-party government or that of the restoration of either the parliament or of the Deuba government can in no way contribute to a movement against regression. "Albeit, such practices or arrangements if brought into effect could well elevate some political parties to the corridors of power but would not be able to sort out the pressing issues of the nation. In saying so, Prachanda apparently hints that Koirala and Madhav Nepal long to bounce back to power through their present day slogans. In other words, he indicates that these two leaders have been playing politics at the moment simply to grab power and nothing more than that. What is very significant is the timing of the release of the Prachanda statement. It has appeared at a time when the political parties have declared that they will fight tooth and nail to bring back power from the Palace to Singhdurbar; that the government formed by the King was unconstitutional one and that they will not settle for less than the formation of an all-party government or the restoration of the now dissolved parliament. The fact is that Prachanda has made it abundantly clear that he and his party sharply differ with the stance taken by the "parliamentary parties". This also means that Prachanda and his camp would proceed with the talks with Chand establishment come what may. Its corollary would be that the Maoists consider: the country is in a state wherein the 1990 constitution remained absent and that a new constitution be written that takes care of their demands as well; that the Maoists do not wholeheartedly adore the gains of the 1990 movement and maintain that the gains were "incomplete"; the Maoists consider the role of the parliamentary parties in the given circumstances as minimum and hence apparently ridicule their impending movement against the monarchy; and that the Maoists would negotiate with any one who satisfied their pressing demands. Comrade Prachanda in the same vein also rebukes the government and warns by saying that the current state of cease fire must not be utilised by the other camp to strengthen its military capabilities or even to stretch the days in government. "We urge the other camp not to dream such wild dreams but instead engage itself in devising concrete solutions to the nations pressing issues", concludes comrade Prachanda. Analysing all these, what comes to the fore is that Prachanda is all out against Koirala-Madhav combine impending agitation and that he would wish the talks to proceed faster that yielded positive results for their camp. It remains to be seen how Madhav-Koirala combine react to Prachandas "significant" million dollar statement. Maintain the triangular power balance say analysts Kathmandu: NC President still believes that the King will finally yield to his demands. Madhav Nepal of the UML nurtures the ambition that one fine morning he will head a government formed by the King that will comprise practically all the parliamentary parties. Lokendra Bahadur Chand apparently thinks that his days in government will continue for a few weeks more should things proceed his way of thinking. The Maoists are enjoying and benefiting politically with the rift that is ever widening in between the government formed by the King and the parliamentary parties. The students have come to the streets and appear determined to force the government until their demands are met with. The civil society and the lay men appear confused with the unfolding events that is definitely going from bad to worse. The King remains undeterred with the various challenges and allegations being labeled against him more specifically by president Koirala and Madhav Nepal of late. In effect, these two leaders have stepped up their anger against the monarchy stating that the Kings words and deeds differ. The King is silent and is as is understandable not in a position to issue statements to refute to each and every accusations coming as it does from various political quarters. The partisan media is harping on the political lines as instructed by their political masters. In the process, the country is being pushed to the fast approaching abyss. The international community, which wishes to see a peaceful and a fully democratic normal Nepal, too remains bewildered but then is closely monitoring the events that are unfolding every now and then. The fact is that a sort of triangular fight is on in between the parliamentary parties, the King and the Maoists. Each amounts to a force in the given context in this Himalayan Kingdom. Clearly, the parliamentary parties would wish to press the King to bring them back to power and hold the elections. The King doesnt listen to their outbursts. The Maoists would wish a quick and profitable solution to their overly stretched imbroglio from the King. However, the fact is that the speed of the Kings government is such that it has already annoyed not only the Maoists but the lay men as well. The King would wish to have greater say in the state of affairs of the country even after the conclusion of the talks with the Maoists by convincing the countrymen about his importance in maintaining the unity in and among the population and in the process he assures the people that he is committed to the system now in place. The parliamentary parties propose for the King a limited role which the King apparently rejects. Thus revolves the countrys politics and add to this the impending Nepal Bundhs that appear to be in series in the coming days. Just calculate the loss both in terms of political and economical. Though it might be their political strategies to press one another for bagging greater concessions from the other, the fact is that the country is paying for these unwarranted games, conclude analysts. " Neither the King nor the parliamentary parties and even the Maoists could afford a sort of confrontation with each other given the existing power balance of the three forces namely, the monarchy, the Maoists and the parliamentary parties", said a political scientist to this scribe on condition of anonymity. He then elaborates his theory by saying that if any of the two forces out of the three side with each other would mean the annihilation of the remaining third one. "I would suggest the leaders who represent these three diametrically opposed forces to understand the ground reality more so the strategic location and of the cultural diversity of the nation and remain intact so that the power balance doesnt fluctuate", added the political scientist. Be that as it may, president Koirala and Madhav Nepal have instructed the already agitating students to continue their agitation sine die until the government yielded to their demands and finally collapsed which is what they clearly wish. Koiralas anger against the King has increased in the recent days gets reflected from his blunt saying that it is the Nepali royalty that has ever remained the root cause for the instability in the country more so since 1990. Madhav Nepal says he suspects the Kings very democratic credentials. He concudes that Kings words and deeds sharply differ. The rest of the political parties do not have their say individually but then hang around the two parties namely the NC and the UML. The delay in the beginning of the talks and the widening rift in between the King and the parliamentary parties is worrying the Maoists who wish to celebrate their victory after the talks. All put together, the country is in a mess. Who benefits from the continuing confrontation in between the three established forces is any bodys guess. Responsible analysts opine that the King being the guardian of the nation must now act to diffuse the political stalemate. They maintain that if the King can meet person like Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar, why cant he invite all the leaders of the parliamentary parties at one place and seek their suggestions on how to come out unscathed from the ongoing political mess. This applies to the political parties too, say the analysts. "Why the disgruntled leaders do not approach the King once again and convince the latter so that any misunderstanding that could be there vanishes in the thin air after the meeting", so said a prominent civil society member. Kathmandu: General N C Vij, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, ADC, Chief of the Army Staff, Indian Army arrived in Kathmandu Tuesday, 22 Apr 2002 on a goodwill visit to Nepal at the invitations of Rt. Hon'ble General Pyar Jung Thapa, Chief of the Army Staff, Royal Nepalese Army, states a press release issued by the Indian embassy here. During this visit, General Vij will call on the Prime Minister of Nepal and conduct discussions with senior Royal Nepalese Army Officers. He will also visit various establishments and formations of the Royal Nepalese Army and hold meetings with Indian Army ex-servicemen living in Nepal, concludes the press release. Businessmen favor code of conduct BIRGUNJ: The Birgunj Chamber of Commerce and
Industry (BCCI) is formulating code of Satya Narayan Agrawal, president of the
chamber, expressed commitment to formulate code Speaking at an interaction on Current
Economic Condition recently in Birganj, Surya Nath "I am ready even to be an adviser to you", said Upadhyaya, threatening that he would not participate in their programme from now on until and unless they made attempt to curb corruption in one way or another. He also complained the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) of not living up to its word. The FNCCI had stated that it would formulate code of conduct for businessmen. If code of conduct further adds problems to the businessmen, then the code of conduct would be confined to paper only, said Babu Lal Chachan, former president of BCCI who also had formulated a code of conduct. Rajendra Khetan, second vice-president of FNCCI said that big business houses of the country have not repaid the loans even after two years of the implementation of Debt Recovery Act. Whether such issue could be the subject matter of investigation of the CIAA, he inquired. "The financial condition of Nepal Bank Limited and Rastriya Banijya Bank is very critical, but the banks are just auctioning the collateral of small borrowers, junior Khetan said. "The financial condition of the banks would not improve unless the big borrowers repay the loans, he added. He also said that the discretionary power of tax administrators should be curtailed in order to control corruption. |
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