US scholar Dr. Palmer’s prescription for Nepal’s conflict management seems practical

Prof. Dr. Ram Kumar Dahal, T.U

Professor Ram Kumar Dahal is a highly qualified Nepali intellectual. He is at the moment associated with the Tribhuban University, Central Department of Political Science.

Dr. Dahal is modest but yet highly informed about the contemporary Nepali politics. His analyses are being read by the Nepali academia very carefully.

Dr. Dahal has several books to his credit. He is a voracious reader and a prolific writer as well.

To the readers of this newspaper, Dr. Dahal’s name should not be a new name.

Last week, we approached this scholar and requested him for a short chitchat. Dr. Dahal agreed. Below the results-chief editor.

TGQ1: How the Nepali academia takes UML Leader Madhav Kumar Nepal’s much publicized secret trip to Lucknow, India? What inferences, if any, could be drawn from his meeting with Comrade Prachanda? Your exclusive opinions Prof. Dahal.

Prof. Dahal: The Maoists’ problem is one of the burning issues of today’s contemporary Nepalese politics for whose solution all the conscious citizens, political parties, civil society organizations and the government should take active interest and initiation.

Charges and counter-charges, instead of solving the problem confronting the nation would undoubtedly complicate the issue. The government and the political parties should come in conclusion that not the guns but the dialogue is the best and the only solution to the existing problem and act accordingly. But to play the role of a mediator in the conflict management process is undoubtedly a challenging and often risky job in which very few dare to participate. But some one has to take such initiative if the problem is to be solved or if possible, permanently settled. Thanks to Secretary General Madhav Kumar Nepal who dared to take such an initiative.

The UML’s Secretary General Madhav Nepal’s secret visit to Lucknow and his meeting with the Maoists leaders might have "displeased" India in many respects. Mr. Nepal’s visit and his meeting with Maoists leaders in Lucknow gave a "clear" message to the international community that Maoists are given shelter in the Indian soil and India is also a part of the problem. The visit has, as some people believe, also raised a serious issue of diplomatic protocol or technical problem in visiting India secretly. It would have been better if Mr. Nepal would have visited only after informing the Indian authorities. This is what should have been done. It would have been, as some sectors believe, a great misfortune if Secretary General Mr. Nepal would have faced a security problem during his trip to Lucknow and back.

Mr. Nepal, others say, visited Indian Territory as if he were visiting Nepali territory. As done previously, Mr. Nepal would have talked with the Maoist leaders in Nepalese soil because the Maoists were labeled as terrorists both in India and Nepal and virtually there was no difference in holding talks with them by being right inside our own territory.

Whatever the interpretations about Nepal’s visit may be, both governmental/formal and non-governmental/informal organizations including political parties and civil society organizations should realize that dialogue, not the guns, is the only solution to the problem for which both the sides should be honest. As a guardian, the government must show patience and not act in a hurry. The label of terrorists should be lifted if the government wants to hold talks with the rebels. Both the sides should realize that killing of a Nepali by another Nepali will not be taken pleasingly by other Nepalese.

TGQ2: The apex court of Nepal is reviewing its own decision that of the dissolution of the Parliament during Sher Bahadur’s Prime Ministership. Do you Dr. Dahal see any hidden meaning in Supreme Court’s surprising initiatives taken of late? What if the SC restores the now dissolved Parliament? Your comments please.

Prof. Dahal: The current and unexpected reviewing of its decision regarding the dissolution of the Parliament during Deuba’s premiership by the full-bench of the highest court of Nepal can be interpreted in many ways.

First, the pressure for this might have come from important center/corner of political power. Secondly, the international community also believe that the current situation of instability and chaos in Nepal should not continue for longer duration and the current constitutional and political deadlock should come to an end. Thirdly, as the political parties including the larger ones, are divided in their opinions regarding the reinstating of the now dissolved parliament in Nepal, the non-political solution of the problem (through apex court) might be non-disputable and acceptable to all.

If the dissolved parliament would be reinstated, it would contribute to minimise the current political and constitutional deadlock/ derailed situation.

TGQ3: How you Dr. Dahal take the present stance acquired by the King? Is he a constitutional monarch or is more than that taking into account the moves of October 4 and the subsequent actions taken by him? Your remarks please.

Prof. Dahal: As the Nepalese monarch is competent enough to choose which course of action best suits him, he would certainly find a proper and timely solution to the current political and constitutional deadlock.

TGQ4: The Maoists now say that let other "democratic parties" not suspect their sympathy for a "competitive multi-party system"’ Do you Professor Dahal get any message in between the lines? Your opinions please.

Prof. Dahal: The current statement by the Maoists leaders’ that other democratic political parties should not suspect their sympathy for a competitive and pluralistic polity can be interpreted in many ways.

Firstly, it is a clear indication that the Maoists are ready to hold talks with the government honestly at any time and the political parties should not mistrust them. Secondly, the Maoist leaders have now clearly hinted that they now believe in competitive and pluralistic polity and ready to act accordingly. Thirdly, the Maoist leaders are ready to function like other parliamentary parties within the current parliamentary framework. Fourthly, the democratic and parliamentary parties should trust the Maoists and conduct talks with them to bring them in the mainstream politics.

TGQ5: Do you possess any sure shot formulae for the resolution of the overly stretched Maoists conflict? To what extent Dr. David Scott Palmer’s prescription would, if taken positively, be effective in this regard? Your comments please.

Prof. Dahal: The Maoist problem should be solved by political dialogue, not by the use of the guns. To build mutual confidence and trust is essential in this regard, for which both sides have to compromise according to the theory of "conflict management" and "resolution".

So far as Dr. David Scott Palmer’s most likely peace process scenario about Nepal is concerned, his eight point formulae in most cases seem practical and most appropriate to resolve the current issue. His first recommendation for the formation of "an interim government" of transition within the context of a constitutional monarchy that includes invited representation by all major political parties, including the CPN-Maoist at the cabinet level" is practical. If both the parliamentary parties and the Maoist could be represented at the government level, it will undoubtedly help to minimize the current conflict. The second recommendation by Palmer "for the preparation for national and local level elections by this transition government at a date certain" is again practical measure to end the current political and constitutional deadlock and the Maoist problem. Both the Maoist and the parliamentary parties should honestly participate in the electioneering process. The third recommendation to "change in the electoral law and / or amendment to the constitution that provides for representation in parliament by ethnic groups and women in some fixed proportion" is again a much debated issue among the political and academic circle of Nepal. The proper representation of the marginalised and under-represented groups including women is another medicine to cure the current ills. The fourth remedial measure to bring "a change in the electoral law and /or amendment to the constitution that introduces proportional representation in place of first past the post for the election of members of parliament" is also a hotly debated issue among the political circle of Nepal. Currently, the Upper House may be converted or turned into the House of the Nationalities to represent the marginalised and socially depressed groups including the Dalits, Adivashis, Janjatis and the women on proportional basis.

The fifth recommendation regarding "the continuation of the ceasefire and the code of conduct with specific steps towards demilitarization, beginning with the withdrawal of the armed forces on both sides to specific designated locations" is a prerequisite for ending current status of Hobsian state of nature. The sixth most likely peace process scenario as pointed by Dr. Palmer, regarding "the disarming rebel combatants in the context of general amnesty, the reduction of the size of the RNA and the Armed Police and the restraining of selected ex-combatants for integration into the national army and police, with other ex-rebels offered restraining for reintegration into the national society", is also practical and even much talked issue in this country.

The seventh recommendation to strengthen the process of democratization in Nepal by " effective political decentralization that includes the principles of ethnic and gender representation, hiring and firing authority and funding levels to ensure effective operation", also provides a long term solution to solve the current Maoist problem and to end the current political and constitutional deadlock.

The eighth recommendation is related to combat corruption effectively and strengthen democratic or good governance in Nepal. Dr. Palmer’s remedial measure for a "strengthened CIAA with sufficient funding authority and capacity to effectively implement its anti-corruption mandate thereby, strengthening democratic legitimacy"- ( The Telegraph Weekly, December 3, 2003; page 2-Dahal)’ is again most relevant to a highly corrupt society like Nepal. Besides these the formation of a high level conflict management committee representing all parties including the Maoists, monitoring committee, code of conduct committee may be helpful in executing the decisions.

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