I n d e p t h    A n a l y s i s
Clipping Monarchy’s Wings!

Kathmandu: As the people refrain from showing any interest in opposition to King Gyanendra’s October move the stance becomes increasingly hard-line with aim to target the monarchy boxing themselves further into the constitutional quagmire from which extrication with compromises would be difficult.

This is very much reflected in P.M Surya Bahadur Thapa’s continuing failure to involve the agitating parties in his cabinet despite this soft-gloved approach in handling the agitation on the streets. The official media including Television and Radio continue to cover party activities and strict instructions have been given government not to derogate their presence regardless of the minimality of their impact. Indeed, if any thing, the impression is of direction lost in the government standpoints. No movement here and no movement in the Maoist front.

If any thing, belligerence is indicated with the Maoists. For the first time after the cease-fire, the army has been fired upon resulting in grave injuries and the official media has taken an aggressive posture by covering incidence of violations by the Maoists.

No movement in the gestures for talks with the agitators and belligerence with the Maoists become indication of a malaise that is however, not reflected in activities of the Thapa cabinet aimed at strengthening organizational potentials in the Thapa faction of the RPP.

Even here these activities have only widened the fraction in that party. The mainstream RPP was absent en masse at the much-covered party gala felicitating Thapa’s uplift to government. Predictably perhaps Thapa has gone about playing chess moves in the government machinery. Compared to Lokendra Bahadur Chand, Thapa shows movement here. The administrative machinery now looks towards Thapa. Surely, but for what becomes the million dollar question. Meanwhile, however, it is clear that, with no activity towards organized response against both the agitating parties and the Maoists, politics ands its reflection in the media appears virtually the monopoly of the opposition. The reflection of this on the Monarchy is damaging surely. With the pitch taking an anti monarchial turn, the lack of response is being watched askance by the bulk people at large whose expectations had heightened after the October move.

Agenda-18 expresses anger against the Monarchy and the Army

Kathmandu: The five agitating parties appear to move ahead with their so-called "movement" come what may.

In the process, they have drawn up an eighteen point common agenda which they claim to bring into effect should they bounce back to power.

No wonder, most of the agenda charted by the five agitating parliamentary parties revolve round the people’s problems which unfortunately when in power they all neglected deliberately for obvious reasons.

But then yet again presumably to extract people’s support, which they lack miserably this time around, to their agitation, the agitating parties have once again tried to seduce the common men by providing lolly-pops.

It is altogether a different matter as to how the disgraced, and highly neglected lot takes up the agitating parties’ offer in the paper.

No wonder, again, the agenda-18 has made its target the monarchy and the Royal Nepal Army. A close analysis of the points which deals with the army and the monarchy could reveal the agitating parties’ anger for the two institutions e.g the army and the monarchy.

Not very surprisingly then the agenda-18 wishes to curtail even the remaining powers of the King which clearly aims at cutting down the size of the King so that the latter in no way could dampen their political overtures, good or bad, should they come to power either through the elections or through the reinstatement of the now dissolved parliament.

One point in the agenda talks of curtailing the special prerogatives of the crown. According to the constitution, the King is allowed to manage the affairs of the affairs of the Palace on its own. This also the political parties wish to bring under the ministry that takes care for the affairs of the Palace. This in other words, it is a move to restrict the actions of the King even inside the Palace on matters relating to the finance, appointments and the management of the palace staffs and the likes.

How the King reacts to these is yet to be seen.

Clearly, some points that relate to the King does hint that Koirala, the commander of the agitation-sans people’s support, and Madhav Nepal appear to have seduced their other colleagues in the said coalition to act according to their advice and hence the agenda contains agenda that might not please the Palace.

For instance, the agenda-18 talks of the army to function under the parliament. Similarly, the King is told to limit his role and not to meddle in the politics of the nation which according to the agitating-five fall exclusively under their political domain.

The manner the monarch has functioned since last October does give a slight hint that suggest that he would not settle for less. The King clearly wishes some critical role for himself to meet the political exigencies even while functioning as a constitutional monarch. This the political parties understand.

Thus there is a clear tussle in between the monarch and the agitating-5. While the former would wish to weild more powers, the latter would wish to see the King becoming a titular head.

Now comes the point that talks of the army. The Nepali army has ever since the formation of Nepal as a nation-state remained loyal to the Nepali monarchy and that too unconditionally. However, the army under the present constitution can be mobilised through the dictates of a security council. The political parties now in agitation conclude that the Nepal’s traditional army will never obey to the instructions of the government until and unless it is whole-sole brought under the control of the parliament.

To recall, Koirala once tried to mobilise the army in Holeri against the Maoists but apparently failed because the military reportedly did not obey to his instructions. Since then Koirala has been vocal and wishes that the RNA must oblige when the nation’s Prime Minister instruct the army to come out of the barracks.

How the Military reacts to this point contained in the agenda released recently by the agitating-5 remains to be seen.

At yet another point the agenda talks of the King but in an indirect fashion. The agenda, among others, talks of drafting of a new national anthem that highlights the glory of the country and the likes but not of the personal glory of the monarch.

The fact is that the current Nepali national anthem does speak of the King’s personal valor and grandeur and praise.

Finally, a jocular point is also contained in the agenda. The agenda talks of curbing the acts of corruption and that too effectively.

What the agenda, however, lacks is the total absence of words that should have condemned the acts of land encroachment and the inundation caused by the dams made in close proximity of the Nepali territories by "friendly" and "traditional" friend, India.

Presumably, the political parties now in agitation do not wish to antagonize their common friend across the borders. Here lies the politics. It then means that Mahakali treaty; Kalapani issue and Mahali Sagar Bund and the likes will have to be left to the mercy of the Almighty.

This is Nepali politics.

Thapa has one card under his sleeve

Kathmandu: The conspiratorial brain of Prime Minister S.B.Thapa appears to have consoled itself for having been not able to seduce the agitating big-5 parties.

The fact is that Thapa has failed miserably in getting the support of the cooperation of the parties in agitation and hence his desire to rule the nation with an all-party government under his command has gone to the dogs.

But this is not all. Thapa, a clever brain indeed, has indeed been successful in creating rifts in the coalition of the five parties which gets reflected from the fact that the agitating parties now talk of the formation of an all party government which would then later push the idea of the reinstatement of the now dissolved house of the representatives.

A close look at the freshly released agenda by the agitating five political parties appears tp have concentrated its efforts more in deriding at the monarchy and the army than talking the matters that they previously considered of prime political importance.

President Koirala has concluded that since he would not be made prime minister and hence he has presumably exerted his full pressure in incorporating the agenda that mainly deal with the curtailment of the roles of the King and the army.

A Madhav Nepal who until the last minutes prior to Thapa was declared the nation’s prime minister, appeared more or less modest and mild towards the monarch. However, when he was denied the post by the King on an unknown pretext became furious to the extent that he is the one now who talks more against the monarch than what his chum Koirala does. Perhaps this explains the mental agony of Shri Madhav Nepal for having been denied the prestigious post of the prime minister.

Shri Nepal’s penchant for the prime ministerial post was so high and full of temptation that he while dispatching the "application" to the Royal Palace deliberately avoided the clauses (127 or 128) which should be used to make him the prime minister. The fact is that Madhav Nepal in his application had not mentioned that he be made the country’s prime minister through the use of the article 128. This again means that if he would have been appointed as the Prime Minister, he would have cared little as to which clause elevated him to this prestigious post. All that he needed was the post be it through the use of 127 or 128.

Reports have it that the monarch too favored Madhav’s appointment but unfortunately, the Ambassador Rajan factor came into his way, which apparently facilitated Thapa’s appointment for understandable and obvious reasons.

To recall, Madhav Nepal used to enjoy the best of his relations with Ambassador Rajan. But why he preferred Thapa over Nepal is still a mystery.

The agitation appears to continue for long. Prime Minister Thapa understands this but has so far remained a failure in seducing his former chums in the coalition in which he was himself a signatory at time when Chand was made the nation’s prime minister immediately after the dismissal of the elected Deuba government.

But then yet, Thapa has one more card under his sleeve. If it worked would mean that he could pacify the agitation to a greater extent.

The idea is to give a new lease of life to the local government in the villages and the districts. The idea is to reinstate the local government for one year so that the local bodies get their representatives and begin functioning. If this does happen would mean that the villages and the district administrations would have their functionaries from practically all the parties who at the moment were in the agitation.

If this becomes a reality would presumably also satisfy the international donors who in the recent months have been talking that the absence of the local bodies are hampering their projects spread in the districts and the villages.

This is an idea indeed. Whether the idea of Thapa goes the Thapa way or invites scathing criticisms from the agitating parties will have to be watched.

King should meet the Maoist leaders, say peace-talk facilitators

Kathmandu: The Maoists desperation for talks is obvious.

The insurgency wishes the talks to resume at the earliest. However, the rebels also visibly appear to be utterly displeased with the Royal Nepali Army for it thinks that the RNA under the instigation of Washington-Delhi nexus is trying to damage the prospects of the talks with the government. More so, the insurgency also remains disheartened on account of the RNA’s alleged attack on its men out in the remote districts and villages.

In sum, the Maoists believe that the delay in the talks is being dictated by the terms of the extraneous forces and is being deliberately done so. In the process, the insurgency maintains that the government under Thapa by delaying the talks is concentrating its efforts in equipping itself with the latest arms and the weapons to face the possible Maoist wrath in case the talks failed.

The government denies this allegation and maintains that it is as sincere as anything for talks.

However, the fact is that talks are not taking place. The tentative dates have even not been announced.

Intriguing is the fact that Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai is missing from the country’s political scene and reports say that he will appear only when the government finalizes the dates for the talks.

The appointed "facilitators" talk with the media men in a subdued voice hinting that the delay in the resumption of the talks will ultimately damage the prospects of peace restoration in the Kingdom.

"Some petty nitty-gritty’s need to be cleared prior to the convening of the next round of talks", said one facilitator to this scribe on July 4, last week.

According to the same source, the King’s intervention in some form or the other was needed to boost the peace-process.

However, why he needed the King’s intervention in this process, he did not revealed. But then yet intelligent analysts wish to link the facilitators fresh demand with that of the Maoists leaders’ requisition which also hints that they too would wish to have an interaction with the King itself.

The fact is that the facilitators demand for an intervention of the King has come instantly after Ram Bahadur Thapa alias Badal only last week hinted that his insurgency would wish to have a tete-e-tete with the King. This means that either the Maoists insurgency understands that in the absence of political parties participation in the peace-process it is the King’s mediation that could facilitate the peace process to a positive landing or they consider that in the given scheme of politics in the country with the monarch’s role being at the top and crucial, their talks with the representatives of the King’s regime will have no meaning at all.

However, our own analysts have different opinions in this regard.

According to these analysts, the insurgency wishes to talk straight to the King simply because they would like the King to instruct Thapa government to honor the commitments already agreed in between the two sides more so on matters related to the army remaining well within a five kilometer territory. To recall, the government is willing to change this agreement. The RNA has also hinted that it would not limit itself to the agreed five kilometer periphery. In addition to all these, the political parties now in agitation too have objected to the idea of limiting the RNA movement to a five kilometer periphery.

The Maoists think that the strategic gains they have already bagged should in no way be compromised.

Similarly, the Maoists wish to see the King in the Palace could also be that they wish to convince the monarch to explore an conducive environment that assimilates their "people’s army" in to the mainstream army.

However, how the King reacts to these Maoists overtures if he obliges the Maoists and invites them to his Palace will have to be watched.

It is not surprising therefore, Padma Ratna Tuladhar, one of the facilitator at the talks too opined Tuesday that what is the harm if the King met the Maoists leaders at the Palace.

"After all the Maoists too already have become a force to be reckoned with", says Tuladhar.

All put together, what comes to the fore is: the Maoists are in favor of talks and are ready to become more flexible if need be as Comrade Kiran has hinted in Janadesh weekly printed Tuesday; that the hitch lies now in the RNA being limited to 5 kilometer territory; the facilitators wish the King to intervene in the peace process hinting that a new hitch has cropped up in the mean time which is delaying the resumption of the third round of talks; that the insurgents would wish to talk with the monarch straight so that he could unknot the knots impeding the peace process; that they wish to see the King gets reflected in the remarks made by the facilitators.

To conclude: the King’s role is becoming important in absence of the non-participation of the agitating parties in the peace process.

Round table women on civic socialization of children

Kathmandu: Pragya, a public foundation established two years ago in Kathmandu to promote civic culture, to upgrade the level of mass education, and to enhance solidarity and understanding between various communities and nations, organized an afternoon Roundtable on July 5, 2003 on the theme of the "Role of Women in Civic Socialization of Children" under a project underway on Civic Education on which a pilot survey is also being executes in some school of the valley.

Among those whose gathered to participate in the discussion where women activists from three organizations Nepal Jagaran Shakti Samuah, Lalitpur; The Humanistic Club, Kopundole; and Gamkhel club, Balkhu.

The participants discussed and shared their ideas on the significance of the theme, need to work on the issue together, the various avenues of cooperation and potential for collaboration.

The participants found substantial agreement in the ideas mooted in the course of discussion and parted agreeing to reconvene in the forum.

Nepal visit of Wendy Chamberlin

Kathmandu: "Nepal is one of our most important USAID programs and this is why I made Nepali one of the my first visits to the region," Said ambassador Wendy Chamberlin, USAID’s Assistant Administrator for Asia and the Near East. Her span of responsibility covers all of the Middle East, South Asia and Asia, Including Iraq, Afghanistan and Indonesia. Chamberlin notes that the United States Government, through USAID, has contributed over &700 million to Nepal since 1951 and has lent a boost to the Nepali Government and its people in a number of social and economic sectors.

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