I n d e p t h    A n a l y s i s
Bring out the mass support!

Kathmandu: Whether the so-called "people’s movement" is designed to facilitate the government, the Maoists or the talks itself remains to be seen. The fact that it is designed to effect the talks is certain. Which way it will effect the parley is increasingly becoming a matter of partisan standpoint. It is clear however, that the "Andolan" is a set back to the current environment of peace. The crowd is in the streets. The mob is at work and so is the Police.

Indeed, party leaders make out that they are finding it very difficult to reign in their cadre in their belated decision not to pour their wrath at the monarchy. This pretension, however, is difficult to comprehend since the party leaders themselves say that the movement is against the King and the tirade that they pour at the King amounts to the same thing.

One thing is certain. The "people’s movement" is as yet bereft of the "people". It is thus a movement of party cadres where the public is an irritated bystander. It is this that irritates the party leaders. It is this that keeps much of the cadre cultivated over the years through spoils from the system away from participating in the said "Andolan".

The race thus is on on the parties’ behalf to have the agitation affect the public in a manner that may win them over. For this life will have to be so disturbed as to expose the inefficiency of government and the popular support of the agitators. This would mean violence and more violence. It is this that will disturb the hard won peace and effect the government.

Already the agitating parties are wooing the Maoists on these grounds. They claim that it is the agitation that helped the talks to take place and allowed the Maoists to gain such major concessions as that to do with the army movement being restricted to the peripheries of their barracks. Already the agitators are alleging that the government cost the peace process heavily by this concession allowing the Maoists free play in their areas of political dominance.

Unfortunately, it is the army and the defense ministry that is the sole respondent to these latest developments. The Chand ministry finds itself isolated in government. What is awaited is the presence on the streets of voluble and visible public support to the current developments. But this has to do with the mobilization. And this is what is lacking in the effort to retain public expectations against the agitators.

Chand government accepts existence of a State within a State?

Kathmandu: The country’s politics is getting more and more complicated.

Those who have remained instrumental in mercilessly twisting the politics of the nation include leaders such as Madhav Nepal, Girija Prasad Koirala and their subordinates housed in other parliamentary parties.

Unfortunately, the constitutional monarch too appears to have become a party to the ongoing political conflict in between the three powerful forces that is the monarchy, the Maoists and the agitating parliamentary parties and it is only but very natural that such overly stretched confrontation will have its powerful impact on the country’s already sliding politics.

The parliamentary parties appear to be in a mood to confront the King come what may. They claim that their agitation will continue until the King yields to their political demands.

The King instead of listening to the parliamentary parties’ demand prefers to talk to the press to clarify his position and wishes wherein he yet again reiterates his "total and full" commitment to the system and that he would in no way exceed his constitutional limits stipulated in the 1990 constitution.

The parliamentary parties criticize King’s inviting media men and ventilating his reservations what he apparently possesses for the political parties and say that the King instead of briefing the media men about the politics should have invited them to sort out the differences that is hanging in between the monarchy and the political parties since six months or so.

In the process, the parliamentary parties too exceeded their constitutional limits and started criticising the monarch using all possible filthy words and making statements that definitely must not have been taken by the lay men in good taste.

Perhaps terribly annoyed by the leaders’ virulent attack against the monarchy the Royal Nepal Army wished to intervene into the scheme of things and has in the process sent strong signals to the political quarters that they would not henceforth "tolerate" any filthy comments against their Supreme Commander that is the King.

The RNA’s message is clear and very simple. It wishes to hint that the RNA possesses immense respect and honor for the monarch and that is also unconditional. This perhaps explains that the Nepali army is a traditional army having unconditional and unquestionable loyalty in favor of the King.

The political parties, as was expected, also criticised the RNA’s statement made in favor of the King. Koirala, for example, opined that the RNA has done what it should have not done or should have refrained from making any statement that possessed political overtones. RNA’s fresh statement that wishes to shield the monarch from the attacks of the political leaders and the loyalty that it expresses in favor of the monarch at all times is perhaps what pinches the political parties and its leaders’ most.

When Koirala, for example, says that the RNA should come under the parliament, he says so apparently to undo this traditional link that exists or has been existing in between the monarchy and the Nepali army since centuries. In saying so Koirala apparently concludes that if the pleasant relation that is in between the RNA and the monarchy existed ad infinitum, Nepali democracy will have to survive at the mercy of the monarch whose corollary is that the monarch will always remain a threat to the consolidation of democratic system. This is primarily Koirala’s and secondarily Madhav’s presumption indeed. The people may or may not subscribe to those presumptions.

Koirala, to recall, appears still nostalgic to the Holeri incident wherein as Prime Minister he could not mobilize the army. Since then Koirala is hell bent on publicizing his theory that the army should be kept under the control of the parliament. To recall, the army mobilization is carried through the decision of the existing National Security Council.

What is also very important in this context is to note the RNA’s fresh statement if deeply analyzed hints that the RNA would very much wish to maintain the status quo which apparently must have annoyed the political parties.

Analysts remain dumb found and are forced to witness the unfolding political situation.

Given the prevalence of such a traumatic situation in the country, the political benefits solely went to the bags of the Maoists. For it is the Maoists who succeeded in securing a tangible benefit from the last round of talks wherein it has now been agreed that the RNA can stretch its legs within the periphery of five kilometers from their respective barracks. The rest of the territories will be taken care of by the "people’s army" of the Maoists.

Its conclusion is that the Nepali establishment under Chand has accepted that there could be yet another State within a State itself. A State within a State! Indeed very surprising!.

The RNA has not taken this arrangement in a very good taste. Some political leaders, Koirala notably, too have lambasted at this agreement. Among others, RPP leaders Dr. Lohani and Rabindra Sharma too have stated that the government went too far in seducing the Maoists.

All put together, the three potential forces, the monarchy or the old regime as per the Maoists rebels, the parliamentary parties and the Maoists—the new regime are at their logger heads.

Analysts conclude that any two among the total of three considers that it can proceed without the third force would be to invite trouble for itself. The message should be clear, conclude the analysts.

Bhattarai claims to bring conflicting forces together

Kathmandu: Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai is in the news.

In the process, he is pushing in his novel theories which he wishes to practice in the country and hopes that his theories if adopted and thoroughly practiced would do away with the various ailments that have gripped the country of late.

However, at times he appears himself politically confused. That he is confused comes to the fore when he hints that he is "with" the parliamentary parties and concurrently hints that he would continue to continue the "talks" with the old regime even if the parliamentary parties ignore their parleys with the representative of the old regime which is in their opinion the government appointed by the King.

Where this architectural engineer turned frirebrand rebel is not confused and is vocal is regarding his blunt observation on the 1990 constitution.

"The 1990 constitution stands dead at the moment. The nation is in a state of constitutionless", so says Dr. Bhattarai hinting those political leaders who have been demanding that the derailed constitution be brought to the track.

In saying so Dr. Bhattarai also rejects the possibility of the restoration of the now dissolved parliament and the formation of an all party government by the parliamentary parties.

What Bhattarai says is interesting indeed. In effect, according to the Maoist ideologue, the aforesaid demands if met would mean to strengthen again the hands of the monarch which in his eyes would not lead the country "forward" which is what he and his party were longing for since seven years or so.

Making it more clear, he then suggests his compatriots in other parties to refrain from making efforts in giving a new lease of life to the already dead constitution but should direct their entire efforts at making an altogether a "new constitution" which is "forward looking".

The political parties reject his theories and opine that the changes that the rebels have been seeking for could well be managed by simply "improving" the 1990 constitution that would take proper care of the rebels’ demands.

Dr. Bhattarai remains adamant.

He however, accepts the ground political reality and says that there do exist three equally competent and powerful forces in the present day context. In his opinion, if all these three forces are put together, it would mean the dawn of a very progressive environment in the country.

Dr. Bhattarai would wish that the would be constitution should be written in a manner wherein no clauses or for that matter any Article should be made unchangeable and mandatory. The political parties reject this and opine that they would not settle for less that a parliamentary system with constitutional monarchy.

One very interesting political comment comes from Dr. Bhattarai. He says that the Article 127 is counting its last breath. According to him, the article 127 could even be considered to have already died a premature death after the lapse of the first six months of its use in October last year.

If this were politically valid then should this mean that the nation is being run on an adhoc basis?

The fact is also that the parliament stands dissolved. The local level bodies remain defunct. Chances of elections to the parliament appear remote given the present day politics in the country. The government is a nominated one. Critics say the constitution is half dead or event it is full dead.. For a minute if one thinks that the 1990 constitution is yet alive then as per the constitution, the elections should take place well within six months of the dissolution of the parliament. The fact is that the parliament stands dissolved since more than seven months or so. Moreover, the constitution says that to continue as the minister one has to get elected well within six months. The present days ministers do not have that legality if the dictates of the constitution is taken into account.

All put together, what comes to the fore is that the nation is already in in a major constitutional crisis. Who will unknot these constitutional knots no body knows except the Almighty.

Back to Dr. Bhattarai:

In an interview published in a Tuesday vernacular weekly, Dr. Bhattarai also warns the parliamentary parties for their non-participation at the talks with the government that they would be left in the cold if they do not understand the gravity of the talks with the government.

"They should join the talks. If they do not join, the bus will depart. The history will move forward which would mean that the parliamentary parties would be left behind", so says Dr. Bhattarai.

Not very surprisingly, minister Narayan Pun too had talked about the bus that were soon to leave from the "conflict town" to "peace town". Striking resemblance indeed. Does this speak of some thing?

But that is not all. Dr. Bhattarai concludes his Dristi interview with a happy note. He says that "we think we could be able to bring all the forces together. What is important at this stage is the larger interest of the nation and the people. One has to forget the petty interests and make an effort that heralds a "common solution" to the present imbroglio".

A Himalayan surprise indeed. The language that the political parties had been using for the rebels till the other day is being now used by the rebels and that too in a mild and constructive tone the honesty of which is yet to be seen.

By and large, what comes to the fore from Dr. Bhattarai’s assertions is that the talks will proceed if the talks favored their agenda. What if the talks go the other way round? Keep on guessing.

A movement lacking people’s support

Kathmandu: The first phase of the "people’s movement", if it were so, waged by the major parliamentary parties’ is on and the second phase is to begin shortly.

The movement certainly has yet to gain the momentum to which the party leaders expected.

Their expectations have apparently been turned down by a population which witnessed their performances over the past thirteen democratic years or if it were otherwise the population would have come to the streets the day after when the constitutional monarch dismissed the then Deuba government last October.

In sum, this could be a movement or still is a movement in which the lay men possess no interest for varied understandable reasons. The fact is that the leaders’ in the forefront of the said movement are all aware as to what has been the root cause behind their movement not gaining the desired and expected momentum.

Perhaps it is these factors that compels the paramount leaders to come to lead the demonstrations for they expect that the people will be seduced and will be attracted to join their said movement.

For example, "towering" political personalities like Girija Prasad and Madhav Nepal could be seen themselves leading the lecture programs, sit-in sessions and holding of demonstrations against the Royal government, for they know that their movement could fizzle out should they remain absent on such occasions.

The programs in which these leaders in the past used to send their second generation leaders now demand the presence of the top-hats. This is no less a change in the perceptions of the "population" whom the leaders treat as nothing more than "voters".

The movement has suddenly become different now.

The army has warned the leaders that they would not tolerate any thing that degrades the prestige of the monarchy. Now that the leaders will have to keep themselves restrained while making lectures means that the fiery speeches that they used to lure the people till the otherday will be absent now. This would mean that their speeches will remain as mere eloquent speeches which the population has been listening since April 1990.

By time now the population has also concluded that the leaders in Nepal begin crying foul against the monarchy as and when they are out from the corridors of power.

Add to this, too much of criticism against the monarchy could rebound. The people apparently exhibit their disinterest in listening to remarks that time and again hit the monarchy in strong words.

That the movement this time has not gained momentum as it should have been is also due to the fact that the agitators can’t now declare Chakka Jams, Nepal closures and the likes for the people by time have already developed a sort of chronic allergy for such Bundhs and Chakka Jams. In absence of these "handy tools, the movement can’t move satisfactorily as per the wishes of the agitators.

The movement to gain momentum needs the support of the population which in turn appears reluctant in supporting the agitators for varied and understandable reasons.

If the agitators consider the Monday’s electricity black-out as their grand success, then what they should clearly understand that the lay men "obeyed" to their dictates for fear of their houses being vandalized by the party cadres. This they did to save their houses from being attacked by the party activists. This they did out of fear but not out of sympathy to their calls.

It’s all fear psychosis that the population has ever abided by the calls of the parties.

First International IT Meet in Kathmandu

By Staff Correspondent

Kathmandu: The first international conference on Information Technology: Prospects and Challenges in the 21st Century will be organized in Kathmandu from 23 to 26 May 2003.

Organizing group of the conference includes Ministry of Science and Technology, Royal Nepal Academy of Science and Technology, Nepal College of Information Technology, and Nepal Engineering College (NEC).

NEC is Nepal's first engineering college in the private sector, which is self-managed and financed by an inter-disciplinary team of seven founding directors.

Prof. Deepak Bhattarai, Principal of NEC, has informed the press that Crown Prince Paras will inaugurate the conference.

The objective of the conference is to bring together researchers in Computer Science with IT specialist in the real world. It aims to raise issues and challenges posed by the rapidly changing face of today's information society, and to provide a forum to recent advances in computer science that has strong industrial relevance.

The conference is the first of its kind being hosted in Kathmandu, which has steadily been developing as a key scenic convention center in South and Central Asia.

The sub-themes of the conference include real time systems, information retrieval and data mining, IT in rural development, parallel and distributed system, web technology, remote sensing and GIS, mobile computing, natural language processing and speech technology, medical and bio-informatics, graphic and visualization, soft computing, software engineering.

A total of 239 papers have been received. An international panel of experts has reviewed the papers and 140 papers have been selected for the conference. About 300 paper contributors and participants from Bangladesh, Singapore, China, India, Japan, Australia, Denmark, the United Kingdom, the United States, the Netherlands, and Nepal are expected to attend the conference.

According to Dr. Upendra Gautam, the founding director of NEC, the conference is important for varied reasons, among others include, first, it focuses on the essential inter-relationship and interaction between academic institutions (knowledge builders and information synthesizers), industry and services (where information is really managed and applied in a user-friendly manner), infrastructure (local, national and global communication system and their quality), and policy planning bodies, second, it helps bring Nepal on the IT map through a process of personalized interaction amongst multiple IT stakeholders, and third, it provides an opportunity to the Nepali IT stakeholders to make a comparative self-assessment in terms of their competence and quality pertaining to IT human power being produced in the country by the colleges and universities, the degree of applicability of IT in social, economic, and human development, and the reforms that need to be undertaken for the balanced and accelerated growth of IT in the country.

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