The King appears to be suggesting that the concept of a "passive monarchy" is redundant in today’s context

- Shrish Rana, Political Analyst, Kathmandu

Mr. Shrish Rana is an academician who commands respect and honor among his colleagues in the academic sector. He is an internationally acclaimed political analyst. For those who have been closely following the issues of this newspaper, his name must not come as a surprise. He contributes to this paper at times. He has appeared in these columns many times in the past.

Last week, we approached this seasoned and informed academician for an exclusive interview. Below the results: Chief editor. 

TGQ1: The King should act like an Enlightened Monarch, say scholars. The King, however, prefers to be a Constructive Monarch. The lay men see neither the King could become an enlightened monarch nor acted like to what he asserted recently. What would be your comment in this regard Mr. Rana?

Mr. Rana: I don’t agree with your assessment.

Who are the scholars asking for enlightened monarchy? Partisan Nepali scholarship have only accepted the monarch because it is there since the political thoughts and the political parties’ they are associated with subscribe to philosophies or ideologies where the monarchy has actually no role. This is very much reflected in the constitution and their interpretations of the constitution that they drafted. They want no role for the King and whatever role he has in the constitution they have begrudged it solely to legitimize their role and keep him from doing anything else as a King.

The King, on the other hand, appears to be suggesting that the concept of a "passive monarchy" is redundant and can be found no where in the world. As in any democracy every Nepali should contribute to his or her System and country from their respective places in society and the King as a Nepali has his duty to fulfill under the constitution. This duty can be nothing but constructive.

Whether the "laymen" as you put it, see any enlightenment or construction in the King’s assertions becomes a value-judgement for discussions for people such as you and me.

TGQ2: The Maoists have of late stepped up their violent activities that at times goes contra to their recent assertions not to damage basic infrastructure. The Royal Nepal Army is up against the Maoists. Does this all hint at the beginning of a sort of a forceful Civil War? Your remarks Mr. Rana?

Mr. Rana: I’m actually surprised that the Nepali intelligentsia turn a blind eye to the fact that an insurgency is a civil war in the making.

In fact one must regret that both the government and the media refuse to educate the masses on the actualities of an insurgency. Combating insurgency entails a prolonged effort to restore the States’ authority over the masses. This entails overcoming violence as well as wooing the violent away from violence.

Both carrot and stick are essential tools to combat violence of this nature and the time factor is surely no short whip given the extent and nature of the Maoists insurgency. If the masses are properly made aware of this, their actual cooperation, participation and preparation would be more conducive towards the settlement of this conflict.

TGQ3: The Maoists, say academics, appear hell bent on criticising the United States. What could be the reasons given the ground reality that some friendly countries in the neighborhood too visibly been penetrating into Nepali politics? Should this mean that the insurgents have made a "shift" in their policy vis-à-vis some countries that they used to love to hate most at the initial stage of their insurgency? What say you?

Mr. Rana: Realities in Nepali politics have their compulsions asserting in political strategy. One recalls that merely in the past decade both Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai and Hisila Yami were guests of the United States of America under their International Visitors’ Program, IVP. One recalls also that the communist movement in Nepal has had its origins in India despite the fact that it was our Northern neighbor that espoused adherence to communism. Our Maoists, it seems, have found it convenient to assume a northern title to disguise a Southern movement.

Their incarceration of the West is designed to continue this charade. Of course, the West has emerged after September 9/11 as the nemesis of terrorism and the neighborhood appears aware enough as it is that this tool of intervention is now under global scrutiny.

TGQ4: The five parties’ agitation is on. The King is silent. The International community is watching the events here. Nepali academia concludes that the stagnation seen in the country could shortly lead the country to a failed State. How you Mr. Rana interpret this political void?

Mr. Rana: Let’s us correct our perception.

A political void in the making is only now in the process of being filled. Authority so successfully challenged by the Maoists over the years is only now in the process of being restored. Unfortunately our political parties’ which should have been the primary actors contributing to this need have tried to distance themselves from the process and by doing so have neglected their fundamental social obligations as an exigency of politics.

It is such parochial partisanship that contributed to the erosion of State Authority under the hands of the Maoists in the very first place.

The need is for our legitimate political actors to be made to contribute to this restoration in order to correct the notion of a failed State assuming reality in Nepal.

This would strengthen constitutionalism and democracy in Nepal.

TGQ5: Do you Mr. Rana possess any sure shot formulae that settles the Maoists issue amicably once and for all?

Mr. Rana: Coping with reality is the actual need. There is no short cut to development. Partisan interests must be replaced by national interests. That is the only sure shot formulae.

Nepal must prepare for a long drawn effort to restore even the very basics of law and order roles for the State. This is going to be painful, expensive and extensive.

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