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The Monarchy: What options?

Kathmandu: Opinion is building up that the situation in Nepal is so complicated that the King must be empowered to solve the problems until the elections are conducted and parliament duly restored within a definite period of time. The consensus is that the political process has been so disrupted by the political actors disrupting the constitution that they are the part of the problem and not the solution. The consensus again is that the current cabinet, which has been denied its gesture for talks with the Maoists by the Maoists themselves, is less than capable of conducting elections that will be deemed acceptable to all.

Girija Prasad Koirala, for example, does by no means accept a Deuba opportunity to conduct the polls and polls from power and tear his organization further asunder. While the UML role as simultaneous opposition and government proponent remains questionable, sections in Madhav Nepal's yet cohesive organization would want better representation in government the attraction being an election government. Pasupati S. Rana's RPP has similar discord and so the attraction for recall is growing as elections date nears.

There is one problem though. The use of Article 127 makes Deuba responsible to the King and the monarchy despite preference for constitutional options, in the nomination for Deuba as Prime Minister, has by no means escaped direct attacks from the constitutional actors, whose public standpoints nevertheless reflect the characteristic reach for power in their political standpoints that have contributed to the current mess.

While the King's search for a national government is nationally and internationally acceptable as the only constitutional course, what if our politicians don't recognize this in their characteristic parochial interests? This is the million-dollar question.

Typical of the mounting problems of the day, it appears that it is only the monarchy that must answer this. While its preference for constitutional solutions is legitimate no doubt, the monarchy continues to be targeted by both the parliamentary parties and the Maoists since much before article 127. Since the choice is between twiddle dum and twiddle dee and since it is very much recognized now after two years of article 127 that the search for a national government will not be readily forthcoming from the parliamentary parties for fear of empowering the King and proving their public standpoints wrong, what options remain? After all, the problems can no longer be allowed to mount on grounds of partisan interpretations of the constitution.

Royal Council confce draws criticisms; creates panic in political circle

Kathmandu: The Royal Council led by a former Nepali Congress stalwart, Parsu Narayan Choudhary of Girija Prasad Koirala's name and fame, is under severe attack from different hostile political quarters for having done what it should have refrained from doing.

It is mainly the congress and the communists housed in the UML who have taken the task to deride at the fresh initiatives taken by the Royal Council whose regional conference is currently on the move.

The question is being asked by the detractors of the Royal Council is that whether this constitutional institution is empowered to deride the political parties and the performances of the government(s) formed after 1990? They also ask whether the Royal Council should organize conferences of this sort wherein it spends its entire energy in making scathing criticisms against the managers of the system and more often than not propagate that the system now in place were not suitable and viable for a country like Nepal.

Others opine that the Royal Council is exceeding its constitutional limits by sending wrong messages against the democratic system and that as per the constitution; the Council has no right or whatsoever to act as a policeman of the system.

The fact is that the 1990 constitution (Article 34 Clause 18 section B) allows the Royal Council to extend "suggestions" to the constitutional monarch if he so demands. This is what has been written in the constitution and nothing more than that.

Now since the criticisms have begun, intellectuals wish to analyze the feelings both ways: those who differ with what the RC has been doing and those who favor and claim that they have been doing does in no way go contra to the provisions enshrined in the constitution.

The dissenters claim that the duty of the RC should be only to extend advice to the King and that to do so they need not go in for such propaganda as what they have been doing now. This section maintains that the timing of this regional conference and the messages that were emanating from the RC quarters do not bode well for the nation and its democratic system.

Honorable Choudhary summarily dismisses such wild theories and claims that there is nothing to panic and that their duty was simply to inform the King the prevailing political situation of the country.

However, of late, Honorable Choudhary and his predecessor, Dr. Rayamajhi, have been ventilating their minds in a manner that warns the managers of the system. To add to the suspicion of the detractors of the RC's ongoing conference, former prime Minister Kirti Nidhi Bist said Monday at the inaugural session of the RC meet that it was only the monarch, the guardian of the State, who could arrest the deteriorating situation and that the King should be allowed (implied) to act with sufficient powers. Former Prime Minister Bist also made it abundantly clear that the restoration of the now dissolved parliament was next to impossible and that the monarch was not interested in reviving the parliament as demanded by some political leaders.

Question now arises as to how Mr. Bist could know the King's mind that he was not in favor of the revival of the parliament? Was he informed about this by the King or he spoke without reading the King's mind? Bist better knows the fact.

Bista's declaration against the revival of the parliament has come at a time when a large section of the people have begun talking in favor of the restoration of the parliament including some UML stalwarts, for example, Pradip Nepal, Bam Dev Gautam and minister Pant in the Deuba's cabinet.

A few days ago, Dr. Raymajhi too had said that the King be allowed to act as the political parties have failed in arresting the deteriorating situation of the country.

What appears to have enhanced the wariness of the detractors of the RC symposium is a model paper presented by a former Army Chief, Sachhit S. Rana who says in his exhilarating document, inter alia, "patriotic people are expecting an active role from a constructive monarch".

Rana in his paper also demands a new structure wherein the monarch should have enough space for the protection and promotion of the constitution. In the process, Rana's concept also demands that the King should be allowed to become active in the new structure.

Rana, however, does not reveal what he meant by the new structure? Is he saying that the country should now go in for an entirely new constitution wherein the King is allowed greater powers than what he has been enjoying under the existing constitution?

Mr. Rana, a vocal critique of the political parties formed after 1990 summarily rejects the demand of the Maoists for a constituent assembly.

This means Mr. Rana concludes that the country's ailments would vanish if the monarch were allowed enough space in a "new structure in a newly drafted constitution".

The King might not have any idea as to who was talking what pushing his name at conferences of this sort, however, his name is being dragged some how or the other.

Maoist demands are progressive

- Foreign Secretary Shyam Sharan, India

Kathmandu: Instructions in the form of suggestions have begun pouring in Nepal from New Delhi.

Nothing unusual indeed as this country more often than not begs suggestions from the leaders of the Indian establishment or at times the other side sends it for Nepal's forced consumption.

It is only but natural that the other side is encouraged when Nepali leaders land in Delhi uninvited to seek "formulae" either to stick to or comeback to power corridors in Nepal.

A sad phenomenon indeed but the fact is that it is the hard reality that neither the country can afford to ignore nor our own leadership can dismiss it out rightly. More or less it has become a standard practice of seeking advices from the other side of the border.

However, this time the instructions have not come from the Indian leadership but has been provided free by a senior bureaucrat at the Indian foreign ministry who have had a comfortable stint in Nepal as India's Ambassador.

Ambassador Shyam Saran now India's Foreign Secretary and indeed a Nepal expert has told a gathering in Delhi well attended by some acknowledged India tilted Nepali academicians and diplomats that if Nepal as a nation-state were to defend multi-party and the constitutional monarchical system in the country, they should "come together to defend democracy".

A million dollar suggestion indeed!

But then the fact is that each and every Nepali knows this hard truth and F.S Shyam Saran has told what independent intellectuals reiterate here day in day out. Should this mean that since it has come from India, it has got to be appreciated and acted upon in letter and spirit?

Saran, to recall, during his Ambassadorial stint in Kathmandu used to say that his government did not know about the whereabouts of the Maoists in India. Later he changed his posture and indicated that should his country be informed of the hideouts of the rebels in India, his country would do the needful that satisfied the Nepali establishment.

Now as the Foreign Secretary of India, Shyam Saran, thanks Almighty, openly admits that the Nepal's Maoists insurgency had already become a "shared challenge" for both Nepal and India.

In effect, Ambassador Saran's pretension that New Delhi did not know of the whereabouts of Maoists leadership in India got exposed when Madhav Nepal beamingly declared that he met Comrade Prachanda and his colleagues in Lucknow and that he had four hour long talks with the rebel leaders.

Surely Madhav Nepal embarrassed India to the hilt then which fortunately forced the Indian authorities to changed their structured policy vis-à-vis the Nepali rebels taking shelter in India.

It is not that F.S Shyam Saran has forwarded bad advice to Nepal and her political leaders plus the King. He is correct when he says, "the need of the hour is reconciliation and unity among democratic forces so as to put together a united front against the Maoists".

With all good intentions in his heart, F.S Saran knows it well that Nepal's political forces don't trust the King and vice versa and this is what is benefiting the Maoists.

Saran has urged the King and the political parties to overcome the tendency implying that the two must come together.

F.S Saran nonetheless assures Nepal that his country was doing her best. In the same vein, he also sends messages to Nepal that if India were not extending support to Nepal in curbing the Maoists threat, a shared challenge for both in his own words, "your situation would be very, very difficult".

Here F.S Saran forgets to understand the fact that when it is a "shared challenge" then whatever India was doing in this regard was guided by her own exclusive interests in defending her own security concerns.

Corollary of this would be that had the Maoists been not a shared challenge for India as well, she would not have exhibited her keen interest in curbing the Maoists threat as she did in the recent past.

Question now arises as to whether a bureaucrat of the stature of F.S Saran deserved the right to forward suggestions to a neighboring country's establishment and political forces through the use of a seminar?

Should this mean that Nepal's foreign secretary too possesses the right to send similar suggestions to India on matters that constitute a shared problem for both the neighboring countries?

Interestingly enough, F.S Saran maintains "The Maoist programme had some "progressive" elements in it". He however, does not reveal as to which elements in the Maoists programmes constituted progressive elements? Is he hinting at the first four points contained in the forty-point demands of the Maoists that the rebels submitted to the Deuba government in 1996?

Worth mentioning here would be that the first four demands among the forty points of the Maoists deal with relations with India. In the process Sharan, might have forgotten that those demands are basically anti-Indian. Is it that FS Saran hinting at these very demands as being progressive ones as well?

Be that as it may, FS Saran's expressions are genuine and friendly.

He is a changed personality now than what he used to be while being in Kathmandu as India's Ambassador.

Koirala enjoys unsolicited support?

Kathmandu: In the beginning, the Nepali Congress President Girija Prasad Koirala was the lone crusader favoring the restoration of the now dissolved parliament.

Koirala, to recall, still continues to reiterate that all the existing ailments of the country would vanish in the thin air the moment parliament is restored. In saying so, Koirala believes strongly that the entire constitutional crisis that crept in after the King's October 4 move taken in 2002 would come to a grinding halt for the restoration of the parliament would bring back to the rails the derailed constitution.

Though critical of King's moves, Koirala yet assures the King that he can restore the parliament by taking in what he calls a "political decision".

The King appears not to challenge the apex court's approval of the dissolution of the parliament.

Nevertheless, Koirala is on the move and hopes that he would win sooner or later.

Koirala's demand appeared whimsical by some in the beginning. However, suddenly a large section of the intellectuals have also begun toeing the Koirala line favoring the restoration of the parliament. What prompted these intellectuals and some communist leaders in the recent days to go in favor of Koirala's structured line is mysterious. Nevertheless, stalwarts like Raghu Pant, Bam Dev Gautam and Pradip Nepal, all UML CC members, must not have spoken in favor of the revival of the dead parliament for nothing.

As could be expected, some forces, both within and without, must have influenced the communist leaders to plead in favor of the revival of the parliament. But which force on earth could have whispered in their ears?

Keep on guessing.

Not very surprisingly then a section of the Nepali press men too have begun championing the cause of Koirala and have begun writing in favor of providing a lease of life to the already dead parliament.

How come this sudden change? Is here again some maneuverings? But from where?

Be that as it may, rumors are that some diplomatic mission in Kathmandu have taken the charge campaigning in favor of the revival of the parliament.

One editor even admitted in front of this paper that a fortnight ago he was told to off-load his front page news with what the diplomat was about to send for the editor's paper.

The editor later whispered that what was printed in his paper the next day had some thing to favor the restoration of the parliament.

Is it a mere coincidence or some deliberate maneuverings initiated of late by certain missions that suddenly Nepali leaders and a section of the media have begun seeing the need for the revival of the parliament?

Should this mean that certain forces unknown to the analysts were strengthening Koirala's hands? If it is so then Koirala has reasons to be happy.

Koirala no more remains a lone crusader indeed.

CAMP, a new media forum established

Kathmandu: Prompted by a strong desire to be of tangible support to the media men affected by the ongoing conflict in the country, a group of professional Nepali media personnel have formed a media group, "Conflict Afflicted Media Persons", CAMP.

The local administration has duly issued a letter of authorization wherein the media group is allowed by the Nepal government to work in this regard.

Mr. Narendra Prasad Upadhyaya, chief editor of the Telegraph Weekly, is the President of CAMP.

Likewise, Mr. Kabir Rana (The Deshantar Weekly) and Mr. Kishor Shrestha (The Jan-Aastha weekly) are respectively the Vice President and the general Secretary of the newly established media forum.

Others who are the executive members of the CAMP include, among others, Mr. Lok Dip Thapa, The Rising Nepal chief editor; Mr. Kedar Subedi, The Rastriya Bimarsha Weekly; Mr. Surya Thapa, The Budhbar Weekly and Ms. Nirmala Sharma, free lance journalist.

The first inaugural meeting of the CAMP was held this Sunday wherein it was decided to draft future plan of actions in order to mitigate the sufferings of the conflict affected journalists and their dependent ones.

Forthcoming Chinese assistance

Kathmandu: The Chinese government will immediately undertake construction of six important projects aimed at helping Nepal’s development, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal, Sun Heping, has said.

The Chinese ambassador on Sunday told the Xinua news agency that three projects will be implemented in the first phase and three others in the second phase as part of Chinese cooperation assisting Nepal’s development.

Among the projects stated to be undertaken in the first phase are the Civil Servants’ Hospital, Polytechnic College and the Syaphrubesi-Rusuwa Road.

Projects to be constructed in the second phase include the Outer Ring Road in the Kathmandu Valley, Ayurvedic Hospital and laying of a optical fiber link up to the road in Nepal via Zhangmu in China. Chinese government had promised to undertake these projects as part of its on-going assistance to Nepal.

Rayamajhi for active monarchy

Kathmandu: Former chairman of the Raj Parisad Standing Committee Dr Kesharjung Rayamajhi has suggested the King to directly rule the country through an advisory council, reports said.

Saying no prime ministers were able to address the ongoing problems and conflict in the country, Dr Rayamajhi said, "It is no use reinstating the dissolved parliament and the country is not in the need of constituent assembly elections."

Rayamajhi, moreover, said that he had already informed the King that the people were longing for his active leadership so as to rescue the country from crisis. He accused the political parties for inviting disorder and political unrest in the country.

Terming the ongoing four party agitation against ‘regression’ as ‘a waste of time,’ the former chairman of the Raj Parisad Standing Committee asked all the political forces and civil society to accept king’s leadership. "Maoists are ready to sit for peace talks with the King and resolve the conflict,’ he said.

Raj Sabha meeting 9-10 December

Kathmandu: The King will inaugurate a two-day central meeting of the Raj Sabha in Kathmandu 9 December, an official announcement said.

The central regional meeting was held on 6-7 December amid huge criticism from various political parties present in the cabinet and out of the cabinet.

Dhungana for Indian mediation

Kathmandu: Former speaker of the Lower House of parliament Mr. Daman Nath Dhungana while commenting on a paper presented at a seminar in Kathmandu last week expressed that no solution to the present crisis could be achieved unless India comes to the mediation between the two warring rivals in Nepal.

He urged the Government and the Maoists to work in order to bring India to the mediating table. However, the Maoists are against the Indian mediation.

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