South Asian Civil Society in Search for Peace

Dev Raj Dahal, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Nepal

Globalization is breaking the boundaries of disciplinary knowledge such as economics, political science, sociology, culture, literature, etc and the structure of society based on social, economic and gender division of labor. It is also compelling human beings to think in inter-subjective perspective. The current crisis in the world is the reflection of the profound crisis in knowledge management and the ways of life and cannot be resolved by measures of the past on which the institutional mechanism of prevailing governance is based. It is, therefore, vital to glean sound understanding of the evolving normative values and order to help human beings face the future with greater confidence.

Why civil society?

 The post-cold war order has made governance polycentric where neither "order," "security," "development" and "peace" are the sole prerogative of the state nor is conflict exclusively confined to the inter-state domain. With the transfer of sovereignty from the mono-centric governance of the past to disparate groups of citizens organized into various institutions, such as the state, the market and a myriad of voluntary associations, networks and movements that constitute the civil society, governance has become a process of redistribution of power among them. In other words, the responsibilities of civil societies have increased in policy making, advocacy, mediation of power and the management of distributional conflicts.

Now, the state no longer monopolizes the security function. It has to share its responsibilities with the public, private and voluntary civic associations, even for its own self-defense. This requires the civil society organizations to act maturely and in a responsible manner. This actor transformation has also led to the transformation of issues. New issues such as ecology, gender justice, human security, controlling terrorism and peace have broadened the concept of security. The domain of politics has also marked a shift from "high politics"-- war, security, diplomacy, power, influence and foreign policy to "low politics" that deals with the conditions of daily life--such as basic needs, identity, social movements, democracy, human rights, good governance, cultural interactions, etc. Participation rules have also marked a shift from a top-down to a bottom-up process.

The linkages of civil societies across national borders have grown exponentially along with the post-national constellation of the state and market forces. The growing shift in basic conditions, actors, rules, issues and processes have rendered the logic of collective action heterogeneous. Still, foreign and defense policies are the prerogative of the national state and it will continue to retain considerable authority and legitimacy over them. Civil society organizations, on the other hand, will have to recognize this legitimacy even while they take up the responsibility that is their due. This is an area that needs tact and wisdom in tackling.

Basic questions

 The most frequently asked questions are related to this thin line. In this shifting paradigm, how is it possible to reconcile the "social interest" concern of civil society with the "national interest" concern of the state? Should civil societies take national interest as the collective expression of the democratic process or just remain rights-oriented and self-justifying bodies? How can the sectoral "social action" of the civil society contribute to the larger strategic "public action" of the state for the promotion of collective goods, such as security, order, peace, rule of law and welfare? How do they derive their legitimacy and become responsible to local, national, regional and global interests? More relevantly, do civil societies have the political will to build a coalition and effect a coordinated response for conflict prevention and conflict transformation?

Regional concerns

 South Asia presents an example of complex, multi-polar and hierarchical conflicts. These conflicts invariably crop up along five basic patterns—interstate conflicts; ideological conflicts; democratic shortfalls causing governance ineffectiveness, distributional struggle, and authority and legitimacy conflicts; identity conflicts stemming from positional differences of actors; and sub-national conflicts (for n

ational self-determination) affecting the state and inter-state relations. In all the South Asian states, democracy has come to mean majority rule at the cost of a wider popular sovereignty. Democratic deficits have thus evoked popular revulsion among minorities and weaker sections of the society. There is a basic disjunction between the state system based on a legitimate monopoly of power and political aspirations of citizens to share this power to address the growing sense of fear, powerlessness, inequality, injustice and discrimination.

Regional civil societies have been demanding a strategic shift from the subordination and conformity of diverse citizens to the state’s sovereignty to a negotiated social contract and are demanding that the states reflect the collective will of all sections of citizens. The formation of collective will is essential to nurture citizens’ identification with the state, perception of belonging, opportunities for common projects and a shared future. The failure of mono-centric governance (state) to cope with new conflict issues caused by the pluralization, regionalization and globalization of the political economy disconnects citizens from nationality.

As a result of disharmony between the state and society (and or economy), human rights struggle of citizens for liberation, entitlements and social opportunities largely remain unfinished. The politics of civil society in the region, therefore, involves the contestation of subjugation of citizens, creation of a rational ordering of the monopoly of power over society, socializing the citizens towards democratic principles, means and solidarity for a peaceful transformation of the public space. Regional civil societies are also trying to reshape the growing shift in the medium of power, from the political to the economic and technological, and pressing for a common political space for the fundamental politicization of collective decision-making. Political ethics needs to be reformulated to achieve human governance at all levels of society from individual to the world and connect purpose with values.

Post-State Identity

South Asian civil societies lack a strong regional consciousness and collective identity due to the domination of elites who believe in national assertiveness. The incipient regional identity upheld by South Asian civil societies, especially those specializing on human rights, environment, trade unions and women mirrors their perception and adoption of state-centric policies. Economic societies of the region are better organized and have evolved a cooperative strategy of long-term rationality. But, their roles across the region are glued by pre-state economic needs for capital, labor, infrastructure development, transport and civilization imperatives than post-state democratic needs—such as human security, environment preservation, social justice and conflict resolution. As a result, obligations, interaction and information sharing among civil societies across national boundaries remain non-conceptualized.

The soft-state nature of South Asia renders its ties with the society very weak as the states depend on the fragile consent of citizens. The states, on their part, consider civil societies fragmented, sectoral, egoistical and competing with each other for donors favor. The challenge for South Asian leaders is to remove the disjuncture between the states’ need for security and stability and civil societies’ demand for greater democratization to minimize the private ambition of leaderships to stick to power life-long. The propensity of the states, the markets and civil societies to construct often dissimilar, interest-bound knowledge, goals and means have yet to be synthesized to set the links between ideas and policy outcomes. Similarly, these actors should be properly coordinated so that they can work together for the common good of citizens of the region. Coexistence and collective action have to be stabilized by means of pursuing commonly acceptable democratic and development policies for regional governance.

Peace Building

 Common fear of insecurity and common problems faced by South Asian citizens demand a collective rationality of public good that binds the civil society by shared values rather than exclusive self-interests. Democratic peace requires equality before the law and, therefore, adjudication of conflict should be based on the merits of the case rather than strength and bargaining position of powerful actors. Because of their non-hierarchical networks of organization and communication, civil society actors can play a special role in seeking a lasting solution of violent conflict by means of integrating the interests of diverse stakeholders of the society and creating a legitimate space which underpins social and cultural transformation. The role of the civil society lies in communication, mediation and coordination of demands, payoffs and actions of conflicting parties. Only collective rationality can transform violent conflict into durable peace. Conflict resolution in the divided societies of region requires a rational perspective on the part of each group so that each includes the perspective of others to reach to an understanding, consensus and social contract and learns to think as a member of South Asian community.

The remarkable proliferation of civil societies and social movements in South Asia emerged in response to the national and global social crisis. They are pressurizing the regional states towards the conceptualization of the new security perception, the "human" security perception, that can transcend the traditional security dichotomy—between regime and national and achieve a reflective equilibrium based on their reciprocity. Contrary to the political realist’s overriding concern to replace the ‘state of nature’ by "the reasons of the state," civil societies tend to project societal interests into political power by enforcing transparency and accountability in the latter in its dealing with human needs and freedoms. Negotiating a new social contract requires a new mode of conflict resolution that is not imperial, muscular and hegemonic, but genuinely democratic. It should be equally counter-hegemonic, especially with regard to the neo-liberal global order, and transformatory in nature.

Peace movements of civil societies in South Asia have a manifest desire to end insurgency and counter-insurgency operations in the region. Adherents to these movements have been mobilizing public opinion and opposition political parties, religious societies, school children and volunteers, mustering strong popular support among the victims of conflicts to turn the region into a peaceful community. These movements have laid the foundation for a regionwide opposition against direct, structural and latent violence and mainstreamed conflict sensitivity and peace building into a range of civil society actors.

Conclusion

Inter-societal, inter-state and inter-people cooperation facilitated by regional civil societies has generated hopes for the institutionalization of democratic peace. Integrated and coordinated studies and response of civil societies to the conflicting parties have amply demonstrated the costs of conflict and the benefits of peace. It is, however, important to synthesize the various types of disciplinary knowledge and perception produced by the states, the markets and civil societies and prepare a common ground for addressing the root causes of the conflicts in the region. The sphere of civil societies is located in the opinion forming and early warning and response system. In this sphere, community life, experiences, grievances and needs are articulated and conflicts are mediated and resolved through communication and negotiation.

South Asian civil societies have been instrumental in protecting openness for social groups, associations and networks for competing needs, aspirations, opinions and representation of the diversity of voices. And, basic constitutional guarantees of a public sphere also provided the space for the radicalization of rights and transformation of people into public. The lines of convergence between societal self-organization and the organization of state power are, however, still significant enough to enable the political class to convince the society of its aims and create harmony between themselves for a peaceful South Asian public order.

Dhaka Summit poised to bring to fruition previous initiatives

H.E Q.A.M.A Rahim, SAARC Secretary General, Kathmandu

As you are aware, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was launched in Dhaka on 8 December 1985 with the objectives of promoting welfare of the peoples of South Asia and improving their quality of life through accelerated economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region. The launching of the Association in 1985 marked a happy augury for the peoples in the subcontinent. Among other things, establishment of the Association heralded the beginning of an era of regionalism in South Asia in a spirit of friendship, mutual respect, equality and shared benefits. Moreover, it demonstrated a determination of the countries in the region to attain self-reliance.

Indeed, since its establishment, the Association has come a long way, overcoming initial teething problems it had had and the intermittent hitches that were encountered thereafter. As it commences its twentieth year of establishment today, the Association has to its credit many significant initiatives impacting upon the lives of the peoples in this region.

The Twelfth SAARC Summit held in Islamabad at the dawn of this year marked yet another significant milestone in the evolution of regional cooperation in South Asia. Important decisions taken at the Summit bode well for regional cooperation in the subcontinent. The declaration of poverty alleviation as the overarching goal of SAARC by the Heads of State or Government and reiteration of their commitment to the creation of a South Asian Economic Union as its eventual goal will have a far-reaching impact on the pace, progress and efficacy of the Association.

Distinguished guests,

During that Summit, economic cooperation in the region received a boost with the signing of an Agreement on the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA). Following the signing of the Agreement on SAFTA, regional consultations have been intensified with a view to establishing a free trade regime on the envisaged date of 1 January 2006. The Committee of Experts (COE) on SAFTA continued to meet to finalize negotiations on, among other things, Sensitive Lists; Technical Assistance to the Least Developed Contracting States; Rules of Origin; and a Mechanism for Compensation of Revenue Loss (MCRL) for the Least Developed Contracting States.

On the question of harmonization of standards, quality control and measurement to facilitate intra-regional trade, the Standing Group on the subject has since come up with some useful recommendations. An Inter-Governmental Expert Group (IGEG) is currently seized with the task of finalizing agreements on, among others, Promotion and Protection of Investments, Avoidance of Double Taxation, and establishment of a SAARC Arbitration Council. Another Group recommended an Agreement on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Customs Matters. The Twelfth Meeting of the Committee on Economic Cooperation (CEC) and the Fourth Meeting of SAARC Commerce Ministers held back to-back in Islamabad last month gave policy directives to carry ahead the economic agenda envisaged by the Twelfth Summit.

Alleviation of poverty in the region was another important area that received enormous support of the Heads of State or Government during the Twelfth Summit in Islamabad. The Summit adopted a Plan of Action on Poverty Alleviation as proposed by the SAARC Three Tier Mechanism on Poverty Alleviation. It endorsed the Report of the Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation (ISACPA), which was reconstituted by the Eleventh Summit in Kathmandu in January 2002, and directed it to formulate a comprehensive and realistic blueprint setting out SAARC Development Goals (SDGs) for the next five years in the areas of poverty alleviation, education, health and environment. On a directive of the same Summit, this Secretariat is currently preparing the Regional Poverty Profile (RPP) for the year 2004 with the help of the United Nations Development Programme. It may be mentioned that the Secretariat prepared for the first time the Regional Poverty Profile-2003 last year. I might also mention that following the Twelfth Summit, a SAARC Poverty Alleviation Fund is being established with a view to financing poverty alleviation initiatives in the region. The Fund will be supported initially by the contribution of the Government of India to the tune of US $ 100 million.

The signing of the Social Charter by the Heads of State or Government at the Twelfth Summit brought to the fore a regional dimension of action in areas pertaining to, inter alia, poverty alleviation, population stabilization, empowerment of women, youth mobilization, human resource development, promotion of health and nutrition, and protection of children. To facilitate implementation of provisions of the Charter, national committees in each of the Member States are being established. I might also inform you that a SAARC Autonomous Advocacy Group of Prominent Women Personalities (SAWAG), which was established pursuant to a directive of the Eleventh Summit in Kathmandu, has since recommended a host of measures relating to the empowerment of women to carry forward the objectives enshrined in the Social Charter. Following the designation of the year 2004 as the "SAARC Awareness Year for TB and HIV/AIDS" by the Twelfth Summit in Islamabad, a number of activities have been organized in Member States to observe the Year.

Terrorism was yet another area that garnered renewed attention of the Heads of State or Government during the Twelfth Summit. An Additional Protocol to the Regional Convention on Suppression of Terrorism was signed at the Summit to cover up certain shortcomings in the earlier Convention on the subject.

I am happy to inform you that the Thirteenth SAARC Summit, which is to be held in Dhaka in a month's time from now, is poised to bring to fruition many important initiatives that were embarked upon following the Twelfth Summit. One of the primary objectives of the proposed Summit would be to review the performance of the Association during two decades of its existence and to evolve a vision for the next ten years.

As we observe the Charter Day, I would remiss if I were not to pay a special tribute to Late President Ziaur Rahman of Bangladesh, whose visionary initiative in 1.980 culminated in the emergence of SAARC.

Availing of this opportunity, I might mention that in recognition of his contribution to the evolution of regionalism in South Asia, the Association has decided to posthumously confer upon him the first SAARC Award during the Thirteenth Summit in Dhaka. As you may be aware, the proposal to institute the SAARC Award was tabled by Nepal during the Eleventh Summit it hosted in Kathmandu in January 2002 under the Chairmanship of our Chief Guest today.

Statement by the author while marking the 12th charter day of SAARC.

Bangladesh has the narrowest rich-poor gap in entire South Asian region

H.E Mr. M. Humayun Kabir, Ambassador of Bangladesh to the Kingdom of Nepal

Victory Day is a very special day for us in Bangladesh. In 1971, on 16th December the people of Bangladesh conclusively defeated the occupation forces after a nine month long armed war of liberation. All this came in the wake of brutal murder of more than three million people, untold sufferings of many more millions and at the cost of supreme sacrifices made by valiant freedom fighters. On this solemn occasion, we recall with profound respect the sacrifices made by our fallen heroes and pay our deep homage to their fond memories. We pray for salvation of their departed souls. We also take the opportunity to express our gratitude to those friends and allies, who stood by us during our heroic struggle for Independence in 1971. May I express a special word of thanks and appreciation to the government and friendly people of the Kingdom of Nepal for their support during that time.

The strong sense of identity, pride and creativity that drove us to stand up and fight for the cause of our Independence continues to inspire us always. Indeed, over the years our march towards progress has been relentless. Despite adverse and motivated campaign, Bangladesh has made noteworthy progress both in domestic as well as external front since our Independence in 1971. Under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia this process has acquired a new momentum. At the domestic level, we have strengthened our civic nationalism and have further been consolidating democratic institutions, practices and good governance. Our concept of neutral caretaker government to ensure neutrality, transparency and fairness in electoral process has earned wide respect. Transparency and accountability mechanisms in public life are being strengthened. We have also developed our own tools to address poverty and deprivation. The successful concept of micro-credit, which has emerged as the collective national enterprise, has not only empowered and restored dignity to millions of people in Bangladesh, it has also shown light to millions in more than 65 countries around the world. Women empowerment and employment have transformed the economic, social and political landscape in Bangladesh. Is it not interesting to note that in South Asia, the percentage of women in work force is highest in Bangladesh at 42%, which has a large Muslim population? With no caste or social hierarchy, Bangladesh enjoys extreme social mobility, which has, on the one hand generated dynamism in the economy and narrowed down rich poor gap on the other. Bangladesh by the way has the narrowest rich-poor gap in entire South Asia. Priority on education and literacy has pushed literacy rate to 65% with gender parity in both primary and secondary level enrolment. Good health care has significantly reduced child and maternal mortality rate and led to higher life expectancy. We have also immunized our entire population. Successful experiment in public-private partnership has set a new example for managing resources in a prudent way. Indeed, Bangladesh is yet another model of success in this regard. That perhaps explains why the confidence of international community remains strong on Bangladesh, which has been amply reflected through the highest percentage-wise inflow of FDI in Bangladesh last year among the countries in South Asia.

On the external front, we have remained active in promoting a climate of cooperation in South Asia as well. Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman had envisioned SAARC as a confidence-building forum as well as a mechanism to uplift the economic condition of millions of people in South Asia through forging regional cooperation. We are hopeful that the 13th Summit, which will take place in Dhaka next month, will be able to generate new dynamism and momentum to make SAARC a vibrant and effective organization to address common challenges. Bangladesh's contribution in promoting peace and justice around the world is well recognized and respected. Our proactive voice in various global fora for the relatively less endowed countries will remain as forceful as ever.

Bangladesh and Nepal enjoy excellent bilateral relations and we are now trying to enlarge the areas of our cooperation. Bangladesh strongly supports the democratic process in Nepal that suits the needs of its people. We are also ready to engage in wider and deeper economic interactions, and extend support to Nepal for developing her human resources. We are also ready to work with Nepal in harnessing common regional resources, such as water, on a regional basis for mutual benefit of all co-riparian states.

A cultural team from Bangladesh Silpakala Academy, under the leadership of Professor Shahidul Islam, Hon'ble Member of Bangladesh Parliament and the Chairman of Parliamentary Standing Committee on Cultural Affairs, has come to Kathmandu on this occasion. Reputed artistes from Bangladesh will perform this evening and they will depict life, livelihood and values and vibrancy of Bangladesh in variety of dimensions through their performances.

Excerpts of the address of welcome by HE Mr. M. Humavun Kabir, Ambassador of Bangladesh to the Kingdom of Nepal on the occasion of Bangladesh Cultural Evening, organized in celebration of Victorv Dav in Kathmandu on 12December 2004.

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