I n d e p t h    A n a l y s i s
Road Map stirs new possibilities

Kathmandu: The Congress-Girija had it going. Mr. Koirala was able to admit publicly that he had endorsed the King’s appointment of Surya Bahadur Thapa as Prime Minister. Mr. Koirala had made public his intention of facing the polls if the Thapa cabinet conducted it. The Koirala congress was taking to the streets in an agitation declaring the King’s move under article 127 as unconstitutional and he was further able to mobilize student cadre after government intentionally provoked a student demonstration. The congress, by government action, is able to give impetus to the sagging streets by raising the pitch against the King with its student vanguard now attracting other partisan professionals.

The Thapa government had it going. Having called the Chand government the King’s serf, it has flipped into power after, essentially, non-cooperation by the major political parties forced the Chand resignation. Thapa, unlike Chand, was allowed a freehand in cabinet formation. Thus emerged a well-knot seven-man cabinet all from the RPPs Thapa coterie. The government could strengthen its nationwide organization through nominations in representative institutions and declare intent of elections having secured promise of participation from parties who would otherwise have been questioned for their democratic credentials.

It is this stalemate of the past months that appears to have been broken by the series of separate audiences the King has granted the mainstream party leaders. Mr. Koirala has shrugged his audience as insignificant and prefers to project indifference insisting that the King reconvene the dissolved parliament as the only way out. Prime Minister Thapa also insists that the audience is routine and doesn’t in anyway affect his office. Lost in the process is the talk of the much promised cabinet expansion.

The fact is that realignments are underway. In the first place, Mr. Thapa’s own RPP party leadership has undercut a permeable attempt by government to use its office and election opportunities to usurp the leadership or splinter the party. Previous public experience makes it possible to see a splinter repetition underway in the RPP with initiatives by the party establishment. Mr. Thapa will not be backed by the sanctity of his office.

Political motion might also be seen in the growing concurrence between and among the UML, the Deuba congress and the RPP establishment who now appear to concur that the agreement on an all-party government is vital to tackling the Maoist issue after which only the restoration of normalcy and elections is possible. It is not lost on the public that this seeming concurrence has emerged publicly close to and after the Royal audience.

The most outstanding signal of the flutter in Nepali politics is the new Roadmap proposed by the UML which has already triggered an exchange of words and postures between the congress-G and the UML who together lead a vociferous street campaign targeting the King. The UML is caught in an unenviable position. It has to counter Girija charges of turning its back on its earlier commitments for an all-party government under its leadership which was to have restored parliament. Its leadership has to convincingly distance itself from the anti-monarchy tirade it helped encourage on the streets to secure the all-party participation in a government that now it commits itself to help form in accordance to a Road-Map which also accommodates demands for constitutional change in order to woo the Maoists.

At this particular juncture, the UML is literally juggling its contradictory standpoints in order to bring itself back into the center of things that the Thapa government and the Koirala congress had been shaping.

The compulsions for the UML are many. Its grassroots have been virtually stripped by a more ideologically coherent Maoists movement. Its financial viability has been severely restricted by a single none-month term in government after which its coalition attempts were depleted either by the Bam Dev splinter or by the election under Girija partnership. Currently too, its position as the largest party is dissolved parliament after the Deuba-Girija splinter is being gradually eroded by a six-month Girija-Thapa initiative. And so the UML has moved promising no change in standpoints but in effect auguring change.

Clearly, the UML initiative to achieve success must be tempered by new realities. The House stands closed and so too its claim as largest parliamentary party. It must now be prepared to de-link itself with the Girija-Thapa intrigue. This would mean that what the UML will help forge is a government of multi-diversity rather than an all-party government now that the congress and Thapa may be expected to boycott it. Whether this can be achieved by the UML retaining the leadership of the new government is doubtful. At best, its initiatives may be rewarded in representation and its very materialization.

Madhav Nepal steals the show; Roadmap provides a face saving formula

Kathmandu: The "Politics of confrontation" with the King appears to have slipped from the hands of President Girija Prasad Koirala.

UML’s strongman, Madhav Nepal’s has the key now of the country’s politics for obvious and understandable reasons.

Deliberate or otherwise, the audience granted by the King to the mainstream political leaders has definitely served as a deterrent to the politics of agitation currently being waged by five major political parties against what is generally believed to be against the King.

While on the one hand, a clever and seasoned politician Madhav Nepal apparently got to the bottom of the King’s message at time of the audience and appears to have been acting accordingly by will or otherwise, then on the other Girija Prasad Koirala got infuriated with the King for having been told to ponder over the seven-point agenda pushed by the monarch.

Koirala’s fury against the King is understandable because one of the agenda among the seven contain matters related to making Nepal a corruption free society which Koirala couldn’t accept for obvious political reasons.

Koirala thus remains adamant on his previous stand: restore the parliament first and then we will take care of your all seven points.

Contrary to Koirala’s lopsided overtures, Madhav Nepal is busy in devising a scheme that not only satisfies the demands of the political parties but also could take care of the grievances of the two other forces, e.g. that of the monarchy and the insurgents as well.

In a sense, Madhav Nepal has stolen the political show leaving Koirala to ponder over as to how he did it and who is behind Mr. Nepal’s new scheme that sidelined him?

Koirala’s frustration must have grown for it is not him now but Madhav Nepal calling the shots.

Analysts say that if Koirala is really frustrated with Madhav’s sudden overtures, its impact would be seen in the streets. For Koirala would now provide a new zeal to the students affiliated to his party and would tell the student-cadres that there has been a conspiracy by the King in collaboration with the UML to sideline the congress and the rest of the parties now in agitation. The students would thus complying to Koirala’s instructions create havoc in the streets here and there.

On his part, Madhav Nepal clarifies that he is not out of the coalition against regression and that he would continue to support the movement until the King yields.

However, the fact is that Madhav Nepal and his party colleagues now have begun saying that what is the harm in looking into the King’s seven point agenda?

The fact is that talking to NTV Monday evening, one of the party leader of the UML, Pradip Nepal, another Brahmin communist, did admit that the fresh Road-Map is the outcome of their separate parleys with the Maoists in Lucknow and back home in Nagarjun with the King.

Better late than never, Mr. Nepal, the junior one, did accept that the UML has tried its best to accommodate all sections for a peaceful landing by responding to the grievances of all including the King and the Maoists.

Girija Prasad Koirala and his colleagues has suddenly become suspicious of the UML’s roadmap. It would be no wonder that Koirala one fine morning dubs the Roadmap as a part of the same Grand design.

However, the UML says that they will move ahead with their new face-saving formulae in the larger interest of the nation come what may. Nevertheless, much will depend on how the UML’s roadmap is taken up by the scholars, the Maoists, the Palace and above all by UML’s own coalition partners.

Tentatively, the UML outlines the special features of its roadmap in this fashion, The sacking of the Thapa government; the formation of an all-party government from among the political parties that comprised in the now dissolved parliament; the formation of a common forward looking program of action which would later initiate talks with the Maoists; convening of a sort of round-table conference by the all-party government which could include the parties in parliament, the Maoists and others as well; an agreement to be reached from the round-table conference for the formation of a new constitution; formation of an interim government that includes the Maoists which would later conduct the parliamentary elections; the new parliament thus formed would be entrusted with the job in bringing out a reform in the existing constitution to pave the way for the approval of a proposal for drafting a new constitution; declaring the existing constitution as an "interim rule arrangement" and thence the commencement of the drafting of an entirely new constitution; constitution of a committee by the new parliament for constitution drafting, tabling the draft of the constitution, if no consensus is reached, to be forwarded to the parliament for its approval by two thirds of the majority, and scrapping up of the 1990 constitution, promulgation of the new constitution, and finally bringing in the mediatory role of the UN’s in managing the arms and the militia of the Maoists.

What will have to be watched is the reaction of the coalition partners, the Palace and above all of those of the Maoists for the UML’s grand paper work.

Be that as it may, since the roadmap has been declared after the completion of the Lucknow and the Nagarjun parleys, what could be guessed in advance is that the Palace and Maoists might possess some soft corner for the UML’s roadmap.

UML's new scheme raises controversy

Kathmandu: When brains differ, ideas and conclusions also ought to differ.

The fact is that Nepal’s democratic system has come under scathing criticisms from various sectors of civil society. However, what is common in all voices is that the system has been given a very bad name by the men who handled the democratic system for all along the past thirteen years.

Senior journalist, Kishor Nepal, who has traveled twenty seven districts of the country in a short span of time in these months bluntly says that though people yet possess immense regard for the system, however, the people out in the districts do conclude that they feel cheated by those whom they voted to power.

" The absence of our people’s representatives from the districts and the villages even at time when the insurgents have made our lives unbearable is really condemnable and the representatives will have to pay a very heavy price at time of the next general elections", is what the people say, discloses Mr. Nepal.

According to him, the people there still wish that the political parties reach a consensus with the King and restore normalcy in the country.

"All we wish is the prevalence of peace", say the people in the districts.

If Mr. Nepal’s revelations were to be taken at its face value, what comes to the fore is that it is the congress who would be the loser during the upcoming elections.

For example, in Achham, adds Kishore Nepal, one gentleman alone has been looking after the party-office in Achham. Others have simply abandoned the party either out of fear or for frustration.

As regards the UML’s roadmap that talks of framing up of an altogether new constitution to satisfy the demands of the insurgents, senior political analyst, Shrish Rana, opines that framing of a new constitution could not be the answer to the Maoists issue.

What if tomorrow some other insurgents make a similar demand then should we go in for yet another constitution simply to bring the new insurgency into the mainstream politics, questions Mr. Rana convincingly.

If some reforms could do it why should we need to go in for framing a new constitution, suggests Rana.

Pradip Nepal, leader of the UML differs with Rana on grounds that the new constitution will remain sympathetic to the concerns of the Maoists as well as those of the Nepali royalty and hence nothing to panic.

Mr. Nepal admits that the newly charted Road map if approved by the concerned parties or forces would go a long way in maintaining peace and harmony in the country with chances of the Maoists joining the national mainstream politics.

On the King’s new initiatives recently being undertaken by him, Pradip Nepal does not see that granting of an audience to the leaders of the political parties would not break the ice. But yet Mr. Nepal does say that such events normally remain in the larger interest of the nation.

Mr. Rana takes King’s initiatives as a good beginning.

( compiled from Monday’s NTV interview with Pradip Nepal, Kishor Nepal and Shrish Rana)

Thapa will not resign come what may

Kathmandu: Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa will not resign.

This is the message which he preferred to hint the leaders of the agitating coalition parties through his statement made Monday afternoon.

Thaps’s bold reiteration has come at a time when the agitating parties and a sizeable chunk of the Nepali population believed that Thapa will either resign on his own or would be told to do so by the monarch.

However, this appears not forthcoming at least in the coming weeks.

A clever Thapa has interpreted the King’s seven point agenda pushed to the perusal of the political leaders at time of the Royal audience as to have been done so to strengthen the hands of the prime minister.

Whether the King is in a mood to sack Thapa or not is very difficult to predict, however, what is for sure is that if the King does so to sack an unwilling Thapa would mean that Thapa will make every effort to bring the King into political controversy.

If Thapa does not resign then what would be the fate of UML leader, Madhav Nepal, who is now being tipped as the nation’s next prime minister.

Thapa’s statement says that it would be an act of wisdom on the part of the agitating political parties to support him and facilitate the election to the next parliament. Not only this, prime minister Thapa says that his government can assume the form of an all-party government if the political parties supported him.

"This is what the political parties now in agitation have been demanding", adds Thapa much to the discomfiture of the political parties who are in agitation eyeing the same post currently being enjoyed by Thapa.

The agitating political parties have dismissed prime minister Thapa’s statement and have said that supporting Thapa would mean to back the acts of regression.

Whether the King likes it or not the fact is that students and the leaders have not come to the streets to denounce the Prime Minister but it is the King who is being made the target of the agitation.

Questions are being raised as to what efforts Thapa as nation’s prime minister has done so far to curb the slogans being chanted against the Nepali monarchy?

Is he playing double?

How long the King would feel pleased in providing a new lease of life to an already sinking horse? Thapa’s political significance is now over and that he must be sacked in order to ease the chaotic situation. Let those come to power who can guarantee peace and resume the now stalled talks with the insurgents.

Belligerent attitude of political parties dismayed many Nepalese

-World Bank, Nepal Office

Kathmandu: The Nepal based Country Office of the World Bank has said that poor-governance, the issue of the ever escalating Maoists insurgency, continuing constitutional crisis and recorded failure in economic development have made Nepal a vulnerable state.

The WB further says that poverty in Nepal is generally a rural phenomenon and that rural poverty incidence stood to the tune of 44% compared to about 23% in the urban areas. Likewise, according to the WB, there have been significant ethnic and caste-based disparities in what is recognized as a largely pluralistic society with diverse ethnic, caste, and linguistic and religious communities.

"Broad linkages have been identified between caste and poverty, and caste and human development levels, and there are some clear messages: most of the Dalit population is disadvantaged; and there are striking caste and ethnicity based disparities in education", the WB report "Nepal, Country Assistance Strategy" released last week maintains.

The report however does admit that there has been growing disappointment with the political and development processes that have failed to meet the aspirations of the people which had been raised after the reinstatement of a multi-party democracy in 1990.

In saying so, the WB implies that those who were at the helm of affairs of the state after 1990 could not deliver. This is significant in the sense that WB apparently wishes to send signals to the Nepali leaders that they haven’t delivered to the people as they promised in the beginning of the 1990.

Analysing the past one and a half year politics of the country, the WB says that "a political impasse has developed between the major political parties and the interim governments, and by association, the King who appointed them and that the increasingly belligerent attitude of the major political parties has dismayed many Nepalese, there is a risk that this will lead to wide-spread civil disorder and distract the administration".

If the situation goes as per the prediction of the WB, in that scenario, adds the Bank, even the reform minded technocrats would find it difficult to get cabinet decisions on further reforms and to keep the civil service focused on improving public services.

According to the Bank, the challenges that Nepal is facing in taking up the reform process forward were formidable. The cost of a failure, says the Bank, is nothing short of widespread internal conflict, likely resulting in the breakdown of the development process.

Some tips to the government: adopt multi-dimensional approaches to tackle the situation of security, politics and that of development; let the grassroots people feel the impact of development; bureaucracy’s effectiveness needed; be innovative in working with the NGOs and the private sector engaged in development processes; the level of support will henceforth depend on the performance.

Klaus Russo is Radisson GM

Kathmandu: Among the crowd of the many, Radisson Hotel, has already made its place in the hearts of its customers.

The Hotel has had a tradition of being taken care of by renowned hoteliers of the world.

Beginning Ian Barrow, Phillip Davidson and now Mr. Klaus Russo is the newly appointed General Manager of the Hotel Radisson.

Managing Director, Radisson, Mr. B.K.Shrestha last week threw a cocktail/reception in order to introduce Mr. Klaus to the big-wigs of Kathmandu.

Mr. Klaus has a hotel career which commenced early in his childhood in the family hotel in Austria, following which it was then formalised at the prestigious Hotel Management Academy in Salzburg, Austria.

For the past fifteen years Mr. Klaus has held senior executive positions in high profile properties in Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, China, American Samao and now his next step is in this Himalayan Kingdom where he has recently been appointed.

Mr. Klaus holds a Hotel Management and Catering Diploma as well as a diploma from the Varsity of Vienna where he undertook a Business Administration course. His career has included positions such as Banquet Manager, F&B Manager, Executive Assistant Manager, Resident Manager and General Manager.

In these roles, says a press release issued by the Radisson, Mr. Klaus has worked for both international chains and independent owner operators in the four and five star hotel category.

On a personal level, Klaus is an Austrian by birth and holds a Permanent Residency for Australia and is married.

With his fifteen years of uninterrupted experience in hotel industry, Mr. Klaus Russo is looking forward to embracing the new customs and culture that awaits him in Kathmandu.

All the best to you Mr. Klaus!

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