Women in Parliament:
Ideological and Psychological Hindrances
by N. Shvedova
When a woman becomes a politician she does
not cease to be a woman. It is this womanhood which should be placed first, since it
contains different creative potentials and intellectual strength.
Ideological and psychological hindrances for
women in entering parliament include the following:
Gender ideology and cultural patterns, as
well as pre-determined social roles assigned to women and men;
Women's lack of confidence to run for
elections;
Women's perception of politics as a
"dirty" game;
The way in which women are portrayed in the
mass media.
"Women have tried to enter politics
trying to look like men. This will not work. We have to bring our differences, our
emotions, our way of seeing things, even our tears to the process."
Anna Tibaijuka, Professor, Tanzania
In many countries, traditions continue to
emphasize, and often dictate, women's primary role as mothers and housewives. A
traditional, strong, patriarchal value system favours sexually segregated roles, and
so-called "traditional cultural values" militate against the advancement,
progress and participation of women in any political process. Societies all over the world
are dominated by an ideology about "a woman's place". According to this
perception, women should only play the role of "working mother", which is
generally low-paid and apolitical. In addition, in some developing societies, men even
tell women how to vote.
This is the environment that many women face
one in which a certain collective image of women in traditional, apolitical roles
continues to dominate. The image of a woman leader requires that she be asexual in her
speech and manners, someone who can be identified as a woman only through nonsexual
characteristics. Often it is supposed to be unacceptable, or even shameful in the mass
consciousness, for women to be open about their feminine nature. In fact, the more
authoritative and "manly" a woman is, the more she corresponds to the undeclared
male rules of the game. That is why women politicians in general, and women MPs in
particular, have to overcome this difficulty of feeling uncomfortable in the political
field as though they are somewhere where they do not belong, behaving in ways that are
not natural to them.
Often women internalize many of these ideas,
and end up feeling a sense of guilt when they can not correspond to this almost impossible
image. This sense of guilt is inextricably tied to a sense of having to be apologetic
either for her own womanhood or for betraying her sense of womanhood, when women ought to
be proud of both. Until they reconcile (or make the choice) between certain collective
images, dominant stereotypes, and their own feminine nature, their lives will be difficult
and it will be hard for them to accommodate these clashing expectations. A woman should be
prepared for the fact that when she becomes a politician, she does not cease to be a
woman. It is this womanhood which should be placed first, since it contains different
creative potentials and intellectual strength. The ability to make decisions and implement
them is not a gender-specific trait, but a common human one; in other words, a man holding
power is natural, and a woman holding power is natural too or ought to be.
"Women don’t have the right to cry;
it’s only the privilege of men. A male MP, even a minister, can cry. It’s
normal. It’s not being emotional, it’s being intelligent. But women don’t
have the right to be weak, to cry, to show our emotions – because we live in a time
when to be in politics, we have to behave more like a man."
Rawya Shawa, MP Palestine
Lack of Confidence
Lack of confidence in themselves is one of
the main reasons for women's underrepresentation in formal political institutions,
including parliaments, governments and political parties. With confidence and
determination women can reach the highest levels in the political process. That is why
women should believe in themselves and should do away with the widespread perception that
men have to be their leaders. Women are equal to and have the same potential as men, but
only they can fight for their rights. Women are very good campaigners, organizers and
support-mobilizers, but they rarely contest parliamentary posts. A certain culture of fear
prevents women from contesting elections and from participating in political life.
"Once we’re in parliament, we
should not give the impression that we are very special, gifted women, especially created
by God to serve as special preachers. No, we should tell other women that you are just
like us, and you can also reach parliament, with some struggle, with some education, with
some talent."
Sushma Swaraj, MP India
The Perception of Politics as
"Dirty"
In some countries, women perceive politics as
a "dirty" game. This has jarred women's confidence in their ability to confront
political processes. In fact, such a perception is prevalent world-wide. Unfortunately,
this perception reflects the reality in many countries and although the reasons for this
differ, there are some common trends.
The basis of passive corruption can be
explained by an exchange between the advantages and benefits of the public market (e.g.,
legislation, budget orders) and of the economic market (e.g., funds, votes, employment),
which seek financial gains by escaping competition and by fostering monopolistic
conditions. In addition to this, a significant increase in the cost of election
campaigning has become obvious which in turn increases the temptation of using any
source of money that becomes available.
Corruption can have many faces. Bribery and
extortion in the public sector, as well as procurement of goods and services, constitute
key manifestations of corruption. Although emerging democracies need time to establish and
to develop roots, corruption has spread further in countries where the process of
political and economic transformation is taking shape in the absence of civil society, and
where new institutions are emerging. However, in many places where the changes in the
political and economic system have already taken place, market economy has become
synonymous with the law of the jungle, the mafia, and corruption.
Moreover, hypocrisy is an increasingly common
feature developing in countries with established centralist and authoritarian regimes.
There are "survival rules" in an economy of persistent scarcity which stand in
stark contrast to the ideas officially proclaimed by the state. In poor countries the
financing of political parties and the survival of an independent press remain major
unresolved problems for the development of democratic functions.
The high cost of bribery and extortion for a
society has been recognized. Many governments and business leaders have expressed their
desire to curb and eliminate corruption. But this is not an easy task; corruption is
rooted in the system by some parties who continue to pay bribes. Corruption inevitably
results in the creation of favourable conditions and opportunities for the existence of
the most negative manifestation of organized crime. These factors combine to scare women
and provoke their fears of losing members of their families, all of which militates
against their political involvement or their running for elected bodies.
Although the perception of corruption may not
always be a fair reflection of the actual state of affairs, it is itself having an impact
on women's attitude towards a political career. Is it a coincidence that countries with a
small or moderate degree of corruption seem to have a higher rate of women's
representation in elected bodies? According to the Transparency International Report of
1997, countries such as Nigeria, Pakistan, Kenya, Bangladesh and others are perceived to
be most corrupt. Women's representation in parliaments in these countries is very low
only three to nine per cent are women MPs. Whereas Norway, Finland, Sweden, Denmark, and
New Zealand are perceived as the least corrupt, and in these countries women MPs comprise
from 30 per cent to 40.4 per cent in other words, five to ten times more.
Women who have made the decision to stand for
election should take all of these circumstances into consideration and be ready to resist
the corruption "disease". Since corruption requires secrecy, and democracy means
increased openness resulting from political pluralism and the freedom of the press,
political liberalization should diminish corruption. Democracy, by ensuring the real
participation of the people and the establishment of efficient countervailing powers, will
contribute to curbing corruption.
At the same time, market forces cannot
replace the rule of law. Economic liberalization should contribute to a reduction in the
phenomenon of corruption, though this will not occur automatically. A legally supported
market economy will reduce the opportunities for corruption. Hence, it remains important
to have the political commitment and the will to eliminate this negative phenomenon of
contemporary societies by putting this issue high on the political agenda. Women can
contribute a great deal in this area.
The Role of Mass Media
The mass media deserves to be called the
fourth branch of power because of its influence on public opinion and public
consciousness. The media in any society has two roles: to serve as a chronicler of current
events and as an informer of public opinion, thereby fostering different points of view.
Often, the mass media tends to minimize coverage of events and organizations of interest
to women. The media, including women's publications, does not adequately inform the public
about the rights and roles of women in society; nor does it take issue with government
measures for improving women's position. Most of the world's media has yet to deal with
the fact that women, as a rule, are the first victims of economic changes and reforms
taking place in a country, i.e., they are the first to lose their jobs. The fact that
women are largely alienated from the political decision-making process is also ignored by
the media.8
The media can be used to cultivate gender
biases and promote a stereotype about "a woman's place", helping conservative
governments and societies put the blame on women for the failure in family policy, and
reinforce the idea that women are responsible for the deterioration of social problems,
such as divorce and the growth of minor crimes. Another widespread trend in the media is
to depict women as beautiful objects. In this case, women are identified and objectified
according to their gender, and are made to internalize certain notions of beauty and
attractiveness which relate more to a woman's physical capacities than to her mental
faculties. Such an approach encourages the long-standing patriarchal stereotype of the
"weaker sex", where women are sexual objects and "second-class"
citizens.
Admittedly, the mass media also tells stories
about women politicians and about businesswomen and their successes, but this kind of
coverage is rare and infrequent. More typical is the presentation of topics such as
fashion competitions, movie stars, art, and the secrets of eternal youth. Not
surprisingly, such views hardly promote women's sense of self-worth and self-respect or
encourage them to take on positions of public responsibility.
The role of mass media in an election process
can not be emphasized enough, and is yet to receive adequate global and comparative
research. Practically speaking, if there is lack of proper coverage of women's issues and
the activities of women MPs, this results in the lack of a forum for provoking public
awareness about these issues. And in turn, this translates into a lack of constituency for
women MPs. Mass media still needs to recognize the equal value and dignity of men and
women.
The main mission of the women's movement is
to inculcate the right type of confidence and belief among women and to cultivate
assertive stances among them. Nothing comes on a silver plate. Women's job is to build a
civilized society according to a paradigm that reflects their values, strengths and
aspirations, thereby reinforcing their ability to be attracted to and to participate in
political processes.
EU Constitution and EU
enlargement: challenges and opportunities
MME NOELLE LENOIR, MINISTER DELEGATE FOR
EUROPEAN AFFAIRS, FRANCE
It is often argued that the French like grand
designs. Let me reassure you, we like all kinds of designs as well. In our Cartesian
mindset, what we like is the neatness of a well-ordered whole that we can grasp fully.
This, one can see both in the renaissance gardens of the Loire Valley castles, in the
"jardins à la française" or... in the map of the City of Washington, designed,
as you know, by a French architect, Pierre-Charles L’Enfant. This is why Europe can
look so unsettling to a French eye: like reality, it sometimes defies the grand plans that
are made for it. It looks more like evolution, as described by George Wald, a
life-scientist working in your country, in that it: "advances, not by a priori
design, but by the selection of what works best out of whatever choices offer. We are the
product of editing, rather than authorship".
The European Union is a political and legal
non-identified object. The steps the European Union is taking today are merely the logical
continuity of processes started in full knowledge 50 years ago. Because, in our view,
Europe was always meant to be a European force, not a mere market. And that should
reassure us because it means that, far from being improvised steps, getting a Constitution
for Europe and welcoming in 10 new member States are processes which are appropriate and
under control.
Getting a Constitution, a stronger defence
and a real foreign policy seems to us the crowning of a 50-year integration process. It is
often said that Europe is completely changing as, initially a market, it now has political
aims. It is that very change of nature that is sometimes perceived as new and even by some
as a source of destabilization. Let me argue the opposite point because I think the
political nature of European integration was there all along and that, therefore, what we
are doing is merely bringing more purpose and effectiveness to that ambition. European
integration has always aimed at building a Europe that is a whole, able to decide and to
act on the world stage, and not merely an area.
That political aspiration behind European
integration can also be found in the will, as soon as these Communities were created, to
lead common policies: agriculture came first, but was quickly followed by a development
policy that is the biggest in the world and that introduced new concepts such as bringing
together all aspects of development in one policy and dealing with them as a whole.
Beyond these early policies, other policies
have started to shape the lives of Europeans: mobility of people that is now, finally, on
the rise; environment; and our new activities since 1992: a common currency, the euro, and
police/justice cooperation within the European Union with the creation, for instance, of a
European-wide arrest warrant. Are these not the endeavours of a political Union?
Finally, it is little known that the ambition
to have a foreign policy stems from the origin of European integration. After the failure
of a project in 1954 (the CED) and another one in 1961 (the Plan Fouchet), a systematic
policy of exchange in the field of diplomacy was put in place as early as 1970. When did
we start having a common European foreign policy? With the successive Balkan crises in the
early 1990s, after the trauma of not being able to assure the stability of our continent.
In 10 years, decision-making procedures and institutions were set up and the habit of
acting together is being adopted. Result: it was Javier Solana, our CFSP High
representative, who was able to avoid the break-up of Serbia and Montenegro in 2002, a
crisis the world was happy to avoid...Another example: together with the US special envoy,
it was the European François Léotard and then Alain Le Roy who managed to settle things
down in FYROM. So Europe has indeed been a political unit since its beginning. Such is the
view of France. Our draft Constitution aims at bringing more purpose and effectiveness
into our political aspirations. The draft Constitution is not a rift or a break with the
past. But it carries to a higher level the principles of earlier treaties. Let me take
three examples:
European citizenship: that’s
what we have in common as Europeans. Since the Maastricht Treaty, we have rights to free
movement, rights to stand and be elected in any country for town halls and the European
Parliament, rights to consular protection. Now, the very name Constitution puts the
concept of citizenship at the heart of the project with a strengthened European
Parliament, a Bill of Rights, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the possibility, if one
collects 1 million signatures throughout Europe, to require discussions on a draft
European law (that’s the first time we have introduced an element of direct democracy
in European decision-making).
European foreign policy: we
plan to appoint a European Foreign-Minister and give him or her a diplomatic service. That
means more efficiency but not a fundamental change. How come? Because the whole point is
to bring more efficiency where there now exists some bureaucratic rivalries and overly
complex procedures. In the post 9/11 world, we need efficient institutions.
European defence: here
indeed, the changes are greater but again, in full continuity with the process launched in
Saint-Malo between France and the United Kingdom in 1998. After decades of discussions
about "burden sharing", who can object to Europe taking defence seriously?
Especially when, in doing so, Europe is able to bring a positive contribution to the
stabilization of the Balkans (in the case of Bosnia, relieving NATO for other tasks). Who
can criticize the EU when it
deploys soldiers in support of peacekeeping efforts, such as last summer in Africa?
Reuniting the continent is also the
achievement of a long-time hope. Another indication of a complete transformation of Europe
is the integration of 10 new member States. That event which arouses some fear for Europe
(and its friends) as a double challenge: the challenge of alevel of development much lower
than ours, the new member States being significantly less prosperous than the ones already
in, and the challenge of numbers, that is whether 25 sovereign States could ever agree on
anything. Because the new member States are no less assertive than the old ones. Is there
a choice to make between enlargement and deepening? In fact, Europe has been awaiting this
moment all along. Let me therefore challenge you with two ideas: the unification of Europe
was always a purpose of the European Union, and successive enlargements (present one
included) are arguably one of its most successful policies.
(Speech delivered at JOHN HOPKINS UNIVERSITY,
Washington, 27 February 2004)
Diplomats Sweat Over English
Test
By Seo Hyun-jin
Veteran diplomat Kim Sun-heung has rarely
been as nervous since he entered the Foreign Ministry 23 years ago.
But the self-assured senior bureaucrat has
never had to face an examination that could have a major impact on the direction of his
career. He is among a group of senior civil servants now forced to take an English test to
further their careers.
He remembers his test as if it were
yesterday.
Kim sat at his cubicle in the English test
room. He waited for the questions to be thrown at him. He had butterflies in his stomach.
His hands sweated as he stared at two blank papers. What were his thoughts on
globalization?
"I couldn't sleep well for three or four
days before the exam," recalled Kim, 52, deputy director general of the ministry.
"While taking the test, I was worried how my answers would be evaluated."
He plodded through the oral and written exam
for two hours. Two weeks later he stopped sweating. He passed.
His nervousness was justified because not all
senior diplomats were successful. Six of the 28 diplomats who took the exam in November
failed. Those who fail get two more chances but a third failing grade means hopes to
become ambassadors are over.
The test, which comprises essay writing on
topics such as globalization and oral presentation, was designed to evaluate the English
proficiency of those who hope to move up the career ladder to become chiefs of overseas
missions. Current ambassadors are not required to take the test.
The Foreign Ministry initiated the English
test as part of its efforts to make the civil service more competitive. Some experts are
critical of the test but not Kim.
"After the test, I realized I could not
be complacent with my current ability but should try hard to survive in the ministry. This
kind of challenge motivates me to improve myself," Kim said.
None of the senior diplomats thought once
they were established that they would have to go through such tight competition to further
their careers in the ministry.
Foreign Ministry officials who oversee
personnel management say the English test is to determine diplomats' English competency in
negotiating. English is just one of the four criteria they are judged on before they can
become ambassadors. The other three are work performance, ethical standards and
leadership.
"We reinforced our tests to allow only
competitive diplomats to be chiefs of missions, as well we felt the need to strengthen
internal competition," said Cho Young-jai, deputy minister for planning and
management.
Some ministry observers had criticized
previous standards for choosing ambassadors or consul generals, saying a few are
ineffective due to poor English skills.
In the past, diplomats have been appointed to
head overseas missions based on seniority, general assessment of their work performance or
political considerations.
The ministry had previously offered an
English exam but it was not mandatory. And while many bureaucrats sat for the examination
they had no fear that it would affect their jobs.
However, all that changed last year when the
new English test was introduced.
The Foreign Ministry asked Seoul National
University to provide the latest English exam, which is deemed more comprehensive than the
previous one.
Some experts lauded the ministry for taking
the initiative to improve competitiveness but pointed out problems in the new system.
"Fluency in English is a crucial
qualification for ambassadors but it should not be the most decisive factor," said
Yun Duk-min, professor at the Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security.
He believes the test is unfair to diplomats
who have mainly served in non-English speaking countries. He also thinks it is harsh to
derail an otherwise sound career if the English test is failed three times.
However, Foreign Ministry officials say they
are developing proficiency tests for other foreign languages such as Japanese, Chinese,
Spanish and French, which would give diplomats a choice of a second working language.
One inconsistency in the new strategy is that
most current heads of missions are exempt from the test no matter how poor their English.
Those who became chiefs of overseas missions
before the Foreign Ministry revised the guidelines in July 2001 do not have to take the
English test.
"Actually, we have no mechanism to
subject them to the test because it is implemented under a new regulation," said Lee
Si-hyung, director of personnel at the ministry. "For second- or third-term
ambassadors, criteria other than language proficiency will be scrutinized."
Work performance in those cases should be the
key criteria, he suggested.
The ministry will hold the test twice a year.
Diplomats who pass the test are certified in English for five years after which they have
to take it again. Korea now allows ambassadors two postings in a career. A posting lasts
about 30 months.
(Courtesy: Korea Now Magazine, ROK,
Kathmandu) |
