The Resolution of Maoist Movement in Nepal

Professor: Soorya Lal Amatya

In the first parliamentary election of 1991, Nepal Communist Party of Samyukta Jan Morcha had won nine seats and it was the third ranking party in the country. The Nepali Congress ( NC ) had comfortable majority and Nepal Communist Party ( UML ) had emerged as dominating opposition in the parliament. The ruling NC and UML had initially misunderstanding and both the parties adopted confronting approach to each other. They even started to woo the parliamentary members of the other parties. Samyukta Jan Morcha did not had much role in the parliament and this party was ignored by both the ruling NC and the main opposition of UML. Later Samyukta Jan Morcha was bifurcated into groups of ideologically modest and hardline leftest. The modest group took part in mid – term election in 1994 and the hardline group boycotted the election. Comrade Prachandra and Baburam Bhattarai led the hardline group and formed the Communist Party of Nepal ( Maoists ). The CPN Maoists presented 40 social, political, and economic demands to the NC led three party government of Sher Bahadur Deuba. The government did not respond to their demands and they initiated the Maoist movement in February 1996. The CPN Maoists were strong in three districts of Rapti Zone of Mid- Western Development Region. They initiated violent movement in the districts of Rukum, Rolpa and Salyan. Gradually the Maoist movement extended to other districts of Bheri, Karnali, Seti, and Mahakali zones. Now, of course, the Maoist movement has engulfed the extensive rural areas of the country.

Quite a number of factors have contributed to the rise of Maoist movement. First, the elected governments did not pay much attention to the rising aspirations of the people, particularly the socio - economic and political needs of the extensive rural areas in Mid – Western and Far Western Development Regions. Second, there were rampant corruptions, poor governance and misuse of political authority. Third, indigenous ethnic groups like Magar, Gurung, Rai, Limbu and others in the hills; Tharus in the Terai and Dalits were not given proper attention for their social and economic upliftment. The participation of these indigenous ethnic groups and dalits in the national and local self governance was comparatively at very low level. Further more, these ethnic groups and dalits were non- hindus and the constitution of 1990 did not address their religious and cultural grievances .

Fourth, there was more centralization of political and administrative power . The local self governing institutions like district development committees, municipalities and village development committees were not effectively empowered. These institutions had to depend on funding from the national government for development activities. The elected local leaders were highly aligned to political parties and did not pay much attention to the grievances of the local people and the local development activities. Fifth, during the last twelve years, there has been proliferation of educational institutions, health institutions and print & electronic media in the country. The people in the urban as well as rural areas are well informed and politically more conscious. The state educational and health institutions are not properly managed. The services provided by these state institutions are comparatively of poor quality. The commercially established private educational and health institutions are highly expensive and beyond the reach of the people. Such conditions have created frustration and the people have less faith in smooth operation of multi party democratic system. Sixth, the government did not pay much attention on regional development of the country during the last twelve years. As a consequence, there has been increasing disparity among the five development regions of the country. The Mid - Western and Far Western Development Regions have remained far behind in the development of infrastructure and development activities.

Seventh, there seems to be close co-operation between CPN Maoists and the Indian insurgency groups of the People’s War Group ( PWG ) and Marxist Communist Centres ( MCC ). The PWG and MCC had provided training to the Nepalese Maoist cadres and have been supporting to the Maoist movement in Nepal. The Nepalese progressive fronts in India also have been providing moral and other supports to the Maoist movement . Eighth, the Nepalese government was also not serious in the earlier phase of the Maoist movement. The Koirala ‘s government launched police actions like " Kilo Sera To " and " Romiyo Operation " and the government was confident that it could contain the Maoist uprising by the police actions in the three districts of Rapti Zone.

It is also worth recalling that the extreme rightest political groups in Nepal had extended sympathetic support to maoist movement. S.D.Muni has stated in his book " they had a tactical understanding and tacit co-operation with king Birendra who on his part might not have been averse to let the Bhattarai Maoists weaken and discredit the political parties …. Baburam has admitted of having a ‘working unity ‘ and understanding on some principles with king Birendra" in his book ( Maoist Insurgency in Nepal : The Challenge and Response, 2003, p.29, )

When CPN Maoists initiated violent movement in 1996 , it was a small group of a few hundred revolutionaries armed with crude pistols, old rifles and khukuris. Now of course, CPN Maoists are well equipped with SLR, LMG, Ak 47 rifles,grenades and other modern fire power.They have been using ‘ hit and run ‘ tactics and have successfully attacked quite a number of district head quarters in different parts of the country. An American Scholar Scott Palmer had hinted of the similarities of tactics and ideological principle between the Nepalese CPN Maoist group and Shining Path in Peru at a talk programme of Nepal Council of World Affairs on May 28,2002. It seems CPN Maoists have close co-operation with Revolutionary International Movement ( RIM ) and the recent American statement has indicated that Nepal has been designated as the regional centre of terrorist insurgency movement in South Asia.

Currently, there are two major political conflicts in Nepal. One is the violent Maoists’ movement and the other is the political conflict between the parliamentary parties and the palace. The CPN Maoists have even set up their own people’s governments in quite a number of districts. We can think of a number of approaches in transforming violent conflict into peace. The first approach will be an effective suppressions of the violent Maoist activities under unified command of all the security forces. This was the approach adopted by the government since the failure of the peace talk in August 2003. This approach seems to have been effective in containing Maoist movement mainly in the district headquarters and the urban areas. The CPN Maoists control the extensive rural areas of the country where the government administration is minimal. Even in urban areas the security condition has further been deteriorated because of violent hit and run tactics of Maoist groups.So in the long run, this approach may not help in resolving the conflict between the CPN Maoists and the government.

The second approach will be the formation of all party government acceptable to the agitating parliamentary parties with specified mandates of holding dialogue with CPN Maoists for maintaining peace & security in the country and organizing elections for local self governing institutions and national parliament. The third approach will be formation of an independent national government of well reputed Nepalese personalities for a period of about one year with specified mandates of organzing round table conference of all the political parties including the CPN Maoists ; for fixing national agendas and maintaining law and order for the national election of the parliament. Such approach was in a way successful both in Pakistan and Bangladesh . The fourth approach is a pragmatic dialogue between the palace and the parliamentary parties on the one hand and the dialogue between the CPN Maoists and the Government. A care taker government of parliamentary parties, the representatives of civil societies and royal palace to be formed for a short period of six months with the main mandates of fixing national agendas and organizing round table conference of all the parliamentary parties, CPN Maoists, representatives of civil societies and the palace. The round table conference will decide on constituent assembly, interium government , national election and other important issues of national concern. However, it is worth mentioning here that the United Nations has already indicated its willingness to extend support in facilitating the dialogue between the CPN Maoists and the Government . The CPN Maoists also has on a number of times expressed their acceptance for the UN facilitation on dialogue in restoration of peace in the country & for conducting free and fair national election .

Nepal: Managing regional disparity in development

Observations and recommendations

Chakramehr Vajracharya

First, strengthening and supporting institutions like Commission on Investigation of Abuse of Authority and Office of the Auditor General, which have constitutional sanction and also institutions like the Judicial Commission on Property Assessment.

Second, effective implementation of the Integrated Internal Security and Development Program and similar special regional programs. This should be done as a short-term transitional support with adequate financial resources and technical support teams focused to less developed regions and districts.

Third, though the sub-national governments do not exist at the moment, democracy can get strengthened and sustained largely with the meaningful political participation by all groups at different sub-national levels. For this to happen, a well-equipped responsible agency at the center is needed urgently so that it can devote sustained attention:

To resolve the existing issues

To document valuable outside information and large body of experiences within on-going development projects in Nepal to guide the proposed support programs and aid communities to become much more dynamic than constrained like now

To strengthen monitoring, as continuous streams of information input and results output flow through the use of modern IT and other mechanisms that exist

To advise the legislature and government about appropriate solutions to issues through the appropriate channel,

To disseminate issues, policies, programs and achievement to the general public

To advocate the norms of good governance and "Best Practice" performance therefrom.

The options to the government are many. But the logical one may be

EITHER

To create a new "Ministry of Local Self-Governance" as per the recommendation of the High-level Administrative Reform Commission 1992 and the Report on Decentralization and Local Self-Government, 1996

OR

To strengthen existing Decentralization Implementation and Monitoring Working Committee with the provision of :

required staff and logistics, armed with

National IT Center on Local Self-Governance, and

National Information and Documentation Center on Local Self-Governance.

Fourth, and importantly, if Nepal is to have a higher degree of accuracy in its programs and is desirous of creating a positive impact on her citizens, an amicable solution is required on the parts of the governments of Nepal and India to regulate the present free and unaccounted flow of men and materials across the porous borders. (Source:FES)

Human development Index for SAARC Countries

Media and National interests

Ananda Prasad Shrestha

As regards national interest seen in the last thirteen years, it is rather surprising that the political parties and their media supporters have remained deeply divided. Whether it be in matters of foreign policy or issues related to agreements on water resources there have always been two distinct schools of thought. This has been even more so especially regarding the Tanakpur imbroglio, the Baneswor raid by Indian security personnel, the Mahakali package issue, or the Kalapani issue to name but a few. It is understandable for differences among political parties to persist on the domestic front especially on matters of state policy, but it is rather odd that such differences should spill over into sensitive issues like vital national interests.

Coming to recent times, it is understandable that Prime Minister Thapa’s coverage of his recent India visit is given no space in the Indian media, not even in the inside pages of the broadsheet national dailies. It is obvious that the black out of the news by the Indian media was basically to make it difficult for Nepali media people to fathom what PM Thapa did while in India, whom he met and what was the agenda for the talks. It is no coincidence that whenever there is political turmoil or upheaval in Nepal, or when there is a change in the government or in the political dispensation, India moves swiftly and somewhat aggressively in regard to its vested interests in Nepal, especially in matters of security and water resources. The signing of the Kosi, Gandaki, the Tanakpur embroglio and the Mahakali package, with India, if examined closely, all took place at such times of crisis.

At a time when the five-party agitation and the Maoist insurgency are continuing simultaneously, it is therefore, not the least bit surprising that the Thapa government is signing agreements, one after another with India. Just recently, the government of Nepal signed a Memorandum of Understanding on the Upper Karnali and Budhi Gandaki hydropower projects and that the two sides, Nepal and India have agreed to prepare a detailed project report on Budhi Gandaki within a period of two years. The Thapa-led government, according to reports, has also signed the Kosi high dam project and the Kamala hydropower and irrigation project by giving India the upper hand over Nepalese waters.

The Upper Karnali and Budhi Gandaki, especially the former, are projects that generate hydropower at a very low cost which Nepal could well have taken up on its own. But India, thanks to the Thapa government, has already sunk its teeth in the much coveted projects. According to reports, there were varying reactions to these developments by Nepal’s water experts especially concerning the Upper Karnali, but they were unanimous in the view that the aggressive approach adopted by India indicates, in no uncertain terms, that they are going for the "quick and final kill." The move also supports the argument put forward by intellectuals that India will not go for projects that will benefit Nepal economically. Why there has been a near blackout of news relating to these crucial treaties in the Nepali media -except for one or two dailies and weeklies that touched on it cursorily- remains a mystery!

Maybe it was due to the restrained and somewhat guided report of the national news agency RSS let out on. All it said was that the PM paid a courtesy call on his Indian counterpart Atal Bihari Vajpayee and held talks on bilateral issues and that furthermore, there was a closed door, one on one meeting between the two for ten minutes. It is however, quite evident that the focus of the as talks concentrated primarily in the energy sector, on the political situation in Nepal and on ways to boost security on the Nepal India border with Indian help.

In another instance, it is reported that since Nepal does not have a Railway Act as such, the Nepal India Railway Agreement, was signed by the Nepali side agreeing to a security package drafted by the Indian side, which grants India the right to protect her "essential security interests." What will be the impact of such an agreement for the long term, or how India will interpret the clause provides plenty of food for thought. That an interpretation by the Indian side of the said clause could go against Nepal’s very own security interests cannot be ruled out.

Nearly a decade ago, Nepal and India had signed an agreement for drafting a detailed project report of the Mahakali treaty within six months, which has yet to materialize. Taking advantage of the political instability in Nepal once more, India seems to be getting the Thapa government to sign treaties, one after another, that benefit them directly. Intellectuals and political analysts believe that it was precisely for this very reason that Surya B Thapa, with Indian backing, became the PM of Nepal! If these developments have been in exchange for extending Thapa’s tenure in office or for that mater solving the Bhutanese refugee crisis and the Maoist menace, said to be operating from Indian soil, only time will tell.

Against this backdrop, it is not hard to fathom why Nepal signed such controversial agreements at a time when the country is going through a bad political patch and moreover, when there is no parliament as such to endorse the agreements There is also a growing suspicion on the manner in which the extradition treaty signed between Nepal and India several years ago has been reviewed of late. This thinking acquires prominence considering that Maoist leaders in spite of being declared terrorists by India are openly using the Indian soil as a safe haven for their activities. That C.P. Gajurel, an important figure in the Maoist hierarchy, trying to get to London on a forged passport and arrested by the Indian authorities and yet to be extradited to Nepal is another case in point. Just arresting Maoist party cadres and handing them over to the Nepali authorities in the name of the extradition treaty, while the big fish ‘escape’ the net, raises questions about the basics of the extradition treaty reviewed and signed by the two countries lately. The Nepali media could play a catalytic role in this regard, on other vital issues of national interest discussed above, and bring things out in the open. The day this watchdog function becomes a reality, the Nepali media will be regarded as having come of age!

Why Not Age Ceiling In Politics?

Krishna Poudel

That K P Bhattarai is ready to wear the crown of prime minister if the palace opts for this septuagenarian (or octogenarian?) did surprise quite a few people. Probably those people thought he has already suffered from the senility syndrome how could he possibly lead the country in such a turbulent phase. But not to forget that, Mr Koirala, who is older than Bhattarai, though the commander of the movement right now, is passionately yearning for that magical chair. It’s not the matter of Bhattarai , nor that of Koirala, but that of the system. Shouldn’t there be an age ceiling in the politics? From private enterprises to civil service to armed service age ceiling exists. The logic behind the age ceiling is too obvious. Biologically after certain age the body and mind slacken in their functioning. Not only does one stoop and get wrinkled, but the brain cells also start dying. The motor connection and the functions of the nerves are enfeebled. One can often observe eccentricity, capriciousness, dementia etc in older people. it is said that the old becomes like a child failing to think intellectually. But surprisingly, better say unfortunately, there is no such age ceiling in politics. In fact this ceiling should be applied in politics more stringently than in any other field, say it profession if you wish too, for some evident reasons.

First of all, running a country, or even a party is a much more challenging, strenuous responsibility than other responsibilities. And this calls for colossal energy and perpetual dynamism, something less likely to be possessed by most of the people after certain age. Secondly, generally the older people are found to stick to the old values and belief system as well as are reluctant to alter the conventional ways of doing the business. As the wheel of the civilization moves on, new values and beliefs are constructed and old ones are adapted. If a society can’t synchronize with the pace of the time it is bound to remain a backward society. Another rational justification of retirement in any profession is that the younger ones should get the opportunity and the old ones should get the rest. If the older fellows clung in some thing for the lifetime, when would the younger ones get the chance? Besides, Generation gap creates the fissures not only in the family but also in the society itself and hinders in the progress. If a middle generation assumes leadership in appropriate time they can reconcile the interests of various generations for they are the ones who can gauge the changing time more precisely through the experience of the past and the aspirations of the future. It is specially so in ‘political business’. After all, politics is the charioteer of the ‘state chariot’ more than anything else.

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