Whether the Newars are Janajati or not?

By Malla K. Sunder

To preserve our right of being Newars, we need to claim Janajati status. On the basis of ten major agendas established by the National Janajati Development Commission, the issue of political influence is the most important one for all. On the one hand the people who are in the Commission claim that the Newars play a significant role in political change in Nepal. It is true that the late Newar leader, Ganesh Man Singh, played an important role in the 1950 and 1990 democratic movements. Among four martyrs, three of them belonged to the Newar community. In 1990, when there was shooting in front of the Royal Palace, many young Newars were in the front lines. They gave their lives for the sake of the democratic movement.

Yet, Newars have gotten no real gain for their sacrifice. As Mr. Bal Krishna Mabuhang, the Secretary of the ‘Janajati Maha Sangha, said, Newars are treated like a kept women. Politicians enjoy their contribution but give nothing in return. And when Newars demand proper appreciation, the politicians ignore it. Politically, the ruling group has ignored the sacrifices of Mr. Ganesh Man Singh and all other Newar martyrs.

If Newars play a significant role in Nepalese politics, why don’t they demand rights for them? For instance, when Mr. Tirtha Man Shakya was in the chief secretary why didn’t he extend the use of Nepal Bhasha to local development authorities? And why didn’t Mr. Pasupati Maharjan, who has been in the appropriate government office, engage in activities benefiting the welfare of Newars? Neither could demand rights for Newars, because both were mere puppets. They did not really have the power to make decisions. Similarly, Marich Man Singh, Ganesh Man Singh and Prakash Man Singh are powerless. This is why the Supreme Court banned Nepal Bhasha. This is why we hardly hear from the Ministry of Communication regarding the festivals of Janajati peoples, whereas we hear endlessly about Teej and Rishi Panchami.

In order to preserve the cultural heritage of Janajati, we must claim our political rights. Otherwise we will vanish as a people. The question of Janajati is neither a question of backward classes, nor of race. It is question of equality. If we need to preserve our right we must identify ourselves as Janajati. After the formation of the Janajati Maha Sangh in 1990, it has become a tradition to include Janajati issues in elections. It also became a part of ninth Five-year Plan to provide rights to Janajati peoples. If we claim that we are not part of it, we will loose our status as Janjajåti. Moreover, we will be denying a section of the budget allotted by the five-year plan to develop Janajati issues.

Are Newars Janajati? Some of us say yes. We claim the right to speak our language. We demand radio programs in ethnic languages. We demand publication of Nepal Bhasha books. And we claim the right for political quotas and the administrative use of our mother tongue. On the other hand some Newars claim that we are not Janajati. The two sides of the questions are in contradiction. It reminds me of the proverb that describes two animals who fight at feeding time. We pick disputes when there is enough food in the bowl for everyone. If we want to maintain the status quo, I can only remain silent. Yet if we want to be part of the 21st century, we must struggle for both social and political multiculturalism. We live in a pluralistic age. In this multi-cultural age, if we claim we are not Janajati, we might be considered foolish. If we do not demand equality of language, ethnicity, and national identity, we will remain the servants of the ruling Båhuns and Chhetries.

(Excerpts only: This article is translated from the writer’s paper submitted in the symposium on ‘Whether the Newars are janajåti or not’ organized by Newå· Råstriya Andolana. The original article ‘Newåta jana jåti kha makhu’ was published in Newå· journal 2000 in Nepal Bhasha-Ed)

The Situation of Journalists in Nepal

Binod Dhungel, FNJ

Difference between urban and rural/semi-urban media:

Communications media is relatively more independent in the urban areas. Particularly in the Capital, one may just feel that there is totally no problem at all regarding the freedom of the press. This time around, despite the fact that the government has once again declared the Maoists as ‘terrorists’, the news, views and interviews associated with the latter are covered quite regularly. The Capital’s press has criticized the King, the Army as well as the Maoists. Militarization has been scoffed at. But the common man has not been able to enjoy freedom. The nation as a whole has not been enjoying freedom.

Self-censorship:

Self-censorship is at high pitch. Media is vulnerable to ignore the duty of impartiality and neutrality. Most journalists feel that the State machinery is more intent on derailing the press. Even the journalists with state-owned media have started complaining about the "militarization" of the news. It is difficult for reporters to go to the field to collect news. Local people are afraid of sharing their views and comments freely with the press. In an attempt to conceal the truth, the government often brands most of the news collected in the field as ‘baseless’. In the districts outside the Capital, it’s just like playing with a fire if you dispatch news on the excesses of security forces.

Security and safety concern:

As for the excesses committed by the Maoists, the victims themselves dare not open out their mouths. Hence, the difficulties to the press dig into the matter. Despite the constraints of resources time and skill, fear about one’s own security engulfs the journalists Actually, journalists also face the necessity of some orientation or training on safety aspects while collecting news in conflict areas. They also need the skills on First Aid, and to learn to use the appropriate language so as to avert the possibility of’ intensifying the conflict. Knowledge on basic human rights concepts and on various dimensions of national security is also essential for the journalists.

Citizen’s right to movement is under surveillance. Searching is widespread. Journalists have to fear carrying and collecting any press material on the issues of conflict. For example, Nischal Monthly was confiscated just for issuing an analytical feature titled ‘Two Army, Two Government’. Its publisher was arrested and confined incognito for months. Journalists were mass-arrested from a rally in Kathmandu, although the government later apologized for it.

Fundamental freedom:

Information, Security and freedom for professional growth of journalism’ has been the chief slogan of the Nepalese journalists today. We need a law (Act) on the Right to Information. People should have an easy access to information. Journalists should not be victimized for their roles as a journalist. But at the same time, we are also cautious about the possible negative consequences if such a law is introduced through an ordinance in the absence of elected bodies in the system of governance. We are aware of the possibility of misuse of such an ordinance for the purpose of curbing the press freedom.

Maoist ambiguity:

Maoists have shown their commitment to press freedom issuing a press statement last time. The twenty first century janawad (democracy)’ professed by them talks about the multiparty competition, and they have expressed their support to the guarantee of human rights, the freedom of press and the freedom of expression. But their behavior with the press so far is not quite trustworthy. Gyanendra Khadka was killed for "writing false news". Dekendra Raj Thapa was killed in the name of spying against them. Yubaraj Puri was threatened with life for taking pictures of Khadka’s dead body. Several, journalists in different parts have been compelled to move out of their villages. Chitra Gaunle of Kalikot was forced out of village fur marrying someone who came from a family the Maoists had ostracized. Keshav Adhikari and Dinesh Chandra Thapaliya in Dhading, Baikuntha Dahal in Udayapur, Bijaya Mishra in Siraha, Bed Prakash Timilsina in Achham, Harihar Singh Rathor in Dailekh received death threats. The numbers of such threatened journalists are not reported completely due to their security of life. Rajendra Pratap Shah, president, FNJ Dhading, saw his house set on fire. There are series of such atrocities, Nepalese journalists are facing.

Recklessness:

In Tikapur Kailali, Binod Sajana (Chaudhari) was caught up and shot dead. He was a journalist, but was also supportive of Maoist ideology. But he was not an armed insurgent. Yet, he was killed.

Security forces have exerted undue pressure on journalists to disclose sources of the news, especially on Maoist activities and their key positions. As a result, the press is gradually getting unable to reach to the Maoists, the one party to the prevailing national conflict.

In Lamjung, Navaraj Pahadi was arrested and detained for carrying out a series of news stories on irregularities in the Marsyangdi hydro power plant. He was accused of having links with the Maoists. This was a glaring case testifying how the anti-terrorism act TADA is being misused. Few months back, Royal Nepalese Army personnel beat Subid Guragain, in Sunsari district.

In the mean while, agitating crowd attacked some journalists, several press vehicles, press equipments, shops and publication house on September 1, 2004, as the capital Kathmandu was tense as groups of youths took to the streets to protest the murder of 12 Nepalese by Iraqi militants on August 31.

The crowd attacked the offices of Kantipur Publications and Kantipur Television setting fire to about half a dozen vehicles and vandalized other equipments as well. Six staffs of the publication were also injured in the attack. Due to the attack, Kantipur Television Network had to stop its transmission for two and half-hours.

Accordingly another publication and broadcasting house ‘Spacetime’ was also attacked. Some vehicles, computers, facsimile machines furniture were destroyed when the crowd set fire and vandalized. Due to the reason, Spacetime a national Nepali daily, is closed till date. Transmission of Channel Nepal Television run by the same broadcasting house was also disrupted for 30 hours. Similarly, cable television service of Spacetime Network was disrupted in different parts of the city due to the same reason.

In the morning, groups of young men set up roadblocks by burning tires and vandalized several vehicles including those of the press. It is not known why the crowd attacked the press.

Cameramen, the victims:

The government’s ill attitude towards the press was visible also during the students, protest or the agitation of the five parliamentary political parties against the King’s October 4 move, usurping the nation’s executive power. Pressmen, particularly the cameramen, suffered more blows than the demonstrators during those agitations!

(Concluded)

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