The weakest link in our political system is the political parties - Professor Prem Raman Uprety,T.U

Prem Raman Uprety currently is Professor of History at the History Department, Tribhuvan University.

Professor Uprety did his Bachelor of Arts from the T.U in 1963 with subjects History and Political Science. In 1965, he obtained his Masters degree from Allahabad University in Ancient History Culture and Archaeology. Later, Professor Uprety studied M.A in Modern History and Diplomacy from University of Missouri, Columbia,U.S. Finally, he obtained his Doctoral degree from the University of Missouri in the year 1975 and the topic had been "Modern History and Diplomacy".

TGQ1: Prof. Uprety, you have co-edited a book on a very topical theme "Political Instability in Nepal: Impact on Nepali Democracy." Now please tell us what were the main causes that led instability in Nepal? Did instability occur because of structural or cultural factors? As a historian of international standing, did you find some comparable periods of the past with current trends?

Prof. Uprety: The weakest link in our political system is the political parties. The political parties haven’t gained maturity both in terms of political philosophy as well as organizational structure. The political parties have spent most of their existence either in exile or in the struggle for the restoration of multi-party system within the country. They are more adept in launching agitational struggle against the arbitrary or even a despotic government and less comfortable and inexperienced in the art of governing. The last decade is a glaring manifestation of this phenomenon.

Political instability in Nepal stems from other factors like the prevalence of semi-feudalistic values in the society; fifty percent illiteracy; stratified society into caste structures; and lack of civic education in political democracy. The patronage system in appointments, a legacy of Rana Period continues in a different style and methodology in the present day society. Furthermore, the conflict between traditional values and the democratic culture is being sharply felt in the evolution of political democracy in Nepal. A period of transition is a challenge to any society. But the Nepalese society which is even today culture-bound and tradition bound is facing the difficulty of the transplantation "of western style if Parliamentary institutions".

For a successful evolution of multi-party system in Nepal, the development of the following factors can be taken as of primary importance.

Number one, a better structurally organized political party from the grass-root to the central level and having a clear political philosophy. The major political parties today have not been able to evolve a clear-cut idea either of democratic socialism or Marxian socialism.

Number two, evolution of democratic culture both in the society and political and semi-political organizations.

Number three, growth of political education in schools, colleges, universities and the family.

Number four, stress on humanistic moral education at the high school level would greatly help private and public life.

Number five, lack of political and social commitments among our leaders who are by and large motivated by personal commitments.

TGQ 2: Some independent intellectuals believe that current political situation in the country is the product of an unaccountable, non-performing corrupt political class. Others argue that mainly donors who are fueling their money to the survival of this class and take part in recent-seeking cause it. What is your experience about this?

Prof. Uprety: Nepal like the other third world countries has been caught in the syndrome of modern development. In the 50’s, 60’s and the 70’s, a lot of money was pumped into the Nepalese economy from donor countries like USA, USSR, India, and China. By the 1980’s, other countries like Japan and Germany became principal donors in Nepalese economic growth. But inspite of these efforts, the development of Nepalese economy was slow and frustrating. In the 1990’s, more money was pumped into Nepalese economy through NGO’s and INGO’s. The donors made the change because they believed that the bureaucracy of the government was too corrupt and unable to take fruits of development to the rural areas of Nepal that constituted 90% of the country.

But even the change of this strategy has not been able to take the fruits of development to the rural areas of Nepal though the situation has been slightly improved. The present problem of Nepalese development is to develop the rural mass living in 4000 villages. For this, the task of the government is to take three programs simultaneously at the village level. Nutrition, Literacy and Medicare programs. This would create an enlightened citizenry at the village which can plan, implement, and monitor the different plans and programs at the village level itself. But this is such an enormous task that the government of an underdeveloped country like Nepal, find it to be extremely difficult. Therefore, the government is using all its energy to develop urban areas. The urban people are more vocal who if thy revolt can change the ‘System’ whereas the sleepy mass of the rural areas is not a threat to any government for its survival.

Upto now billions of rupees has flowed into Nepalese developmental efforts. But the problem with foreign aid programs is that a lot of strings are attached in the way how Nepal can use the money. Not only free grants but also a foreign loan for which Nepal has to pay interest is not free from conditions. A lot of loan money and grants are used to hire "foreign consultants". According to some reliable sources it is as much as to the tune of 40% or even more that goes to support the foreign consultants.

Then a big bite of the foreign loans and grants go into "Commissions" which Nepalese political leaders and bureaucrats do not think as corruption. It can be compared to the prevalent system of DASTURI taken by custom officers in the different Check Posts paid to them for their long hours of work and the low pay structure of the government.

The Nepalese experience in modern development shows that both the government, NGO’s and INGO’s are not free from corrupt practices that has been institutionalized both by the government and the society.

TGQ 3: How would you perceive Nepal’s diplomacy vis- a- vis the past? What are the current weaknesses of Nepali diplomacy—lack of skills, knowledge, historical lessons or political will? Should Nepal change its foreign policy or just style handling policies so that national interests remain uppermost priority?

Prof. Uprety: The foreign policy of any country is dictated by the geographical conditions, history and traditions. This is some thing given that we can’t change whether we like or not. Nepal lying between two forceful civilizations of India and China has evolved diplomatic policies to suit her two basic needs namely, national security and national interests. In the past, the Nepalese statesman had always tried to balance India and China. The art of balance became more important after World War-II when Nepal was suddenly thrust into the Cold War situation. Being a frontier state bordering communist China, Nepal became hotbed of cold war. In the 1950s, Nepal developed "special relation" with India but in the 60’s this model was discarded and equal friendship with all countries became the model governing Nepal’s relations with the outside world.

The problem for all governments in Nepal is to define its relationship with China vis a vis that with India. Nepal’s relations with India are important economically, politically and culturally. Whereas Nepal’s relations with China are more important at political level and less important in the field of economy. So any government of Nepal is walking in tightropes when defining this relationship. On the whole, one can say the relationship with China should be nurtured more at the political level. This does not mean that India will not exert political pressure on Nepal through its economic muscles. So the best bet for Nepal would be to keep India at a delicate distance. We should not be so close to India as to promote the "special relationship of India of the 1950’s" nor be so farther from India so as to invite the "Economic Blockade" of 1989.

To conclude, our foreign policy should be geared towards promoting the twin objectives of national interests and national security. The rest would be secondary.

TGQ 4: Professor ! You are also an expert on small states. What are the challenges a small country like Nepal has to face in this century? What are the means required for this?

Prof. Uprety: In the present day world, small states economically find it very difficult to be viable. Therefore, in this 21st century small states have to evolve new order by evolving a confederacy with larger geographical units. The same is the case with South Asia. The seven countries of SA can evolve an economic confederacy, which in the long run could form a political confederacy having common political and economic programs. The seven nations of SA would be then an unchallenged political and economic unit and SA could emerge as one of the super power in the century.

TGQ 5: What role media can play to enhance an independent identity of Nepal?

Prof. Uprety: One of the main problems in Nepalese polity is the evolution of national identity, apart from India, we must search those tradition and values evolved by our ancestors that makes us different from our neighbors and that makes up distinctly Nepalese. This process we must search into symbols, norms and values, that makes us distinctly Nepalese. In the past, Monarchy was one symbol that kept the Nepalese united. But with the advent of time even this symbol has eroded. So other symbols drawn both from geography, history and tradition has to be evolved to supplement this. The Nepalese media can play a distinct and decisive role in both in search of these symbols and later its effective dissemination. 

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