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In-depth analysis:
Unaffordable defense budget
Kathmandu: The allocation of a hefty amount in the defense sector in the freshly presented budget does speak so many things about the intentions of the incumbent government.
While one prominent figure in the present cabinet, Kirti Nidhi Bista, has capped up the possibilities of the possible United Nations mediation as suggested by many and also concurrently demanded by rebel leader, Prachanda, it seems that the government at Singh Durbar believes more in controlling the rebels through the use of the gun which is why apparently the government this time added an astronomical amount in the budget in order to restore peace and security in the country.
Restoration of peace should and must be accorded a high priority. This is nevertheless the demand of the majority of the population to which the government is committed. However, this does not mean that efforts aimed at restoring peace, which do not consume money, should not be tried and the state should only speak the words of the gun.
This should not happen in a society or for that matter in a country that declares itself as a welfare state and remains committed to the upliftment of the neglected and the rejected sections of the society who finally comprise the nation-state.
The amount allocated for defense purposes could well be the compulsion of the state that is engaged in combating terrorism from the nation, but then yet the sum kept aside for this sector can in no way be justified neither here nor there.
Nepal as a poor nation can't afford to raise its annual budget in the security sector though it is urgent by cutting the portions that are due to other equally important sector such as health, education, social welfare and in the sectors that are meant to take care of the Dalits and the Kamaiyas and similar such groups who so far been neglected and rejected by the mainstream politics of the country.
There should be certain mechanisms which should guide as to which sector should get how much from the budget.
Intellectuals are surprised to learn that the government is going against King Gyanendra's wishes. King is on record to have said that he wishes to tame the rebels. This means the monarch favored a non-military solution to the overly stretched imbroglio. However, on the contrary, the government is providing the impression that the rebels could only be tamed through the effective use of the guns.
Perhaps here lies the contradiction in between the King's fervent desire and the men handling the government.
The government must clarify as to what factors compelled it to go in for such a huge amount for the security sector.
Koirala's growing ambitions get a set back
Kathmandu: The president of the Nepali Congress, Girija Prasad Koirala, is bit frustrated at the moment.
He has plausible and justifiable reasons to feel cheated and perturbed.
Why he is feeling cheated is obvious as the sort of reversal to his familial rule in Biratnagar he received only recently in his own home town, Biratnagar, was not only unexpected for him as a matter of "rule" but also a fitting blow to his growing ambitions that the Congress should be ruled by his own family men.
However, the recent reversal, if it were any sort of curtain raiser for the NC events to follow in the near future, does speak that gone are the days when the Congress used to be or were forced to be the preserve of the Koiralites from the family of the Girija's.
Analysts feel very sorry for this reversal that did not go as per the wishes of the Koirala's more so of the congress president Girija Prasad Koirala.
The said reversal in Biratnagar also amply indicate that the rank and file of the congress demand a change in the apex leadership and prefer to be run smoothly by non-Koiralas.
Personalities like Ram Chandra Poudel and Narhari Acharya are already on record to have voiced their own strong reservations who more often than not express their concern for the party and wish that it be run henceforth by non-Koiralas. It is presumed that the voices of Poudel and Acharya enjoy the majority of the partymen who out of fear or for that matter of the loyalty prefer not to speak against the Koirala rule.
At private conversations, even staunch Koiralaites say that President Koirala should now assume the responsibility of the party not as the executive president but as the guardian of the party.
However, Koirala's ambitions have no limits. His ambitions to continue to be in party power grew so much this time around that he managed some how or the other a third presidency for himself even effecting certain established rules of the party thus enabled him eligible for a third term presidency.
His third term means capping the possibility of the chances for Mr. Poudel and Ms. Shailaja Acharya and many others in the party who claim in a subdued voice that if provided opportunities they too can steer the party with equal competence as Koirala has been doing at the moment.
The dissension against Koirala's rule for the next term as well is growing indeed.
Fuel to the fire was added to his anxiety and frustration when the other day his own niece, Ms. Shailaja Acharya, in all her modesty summarily rejected Koirala's ambition to forge a sort of alliance with the Maoists. In her own terms, if the congress opted for this line as beamingly suggested by her party boss, Koirala, the party would lose its real credibility to the extent that the NC would eventually collapse. She further said that "if the congress joined hands with the Maoists with guns in their hands, what will remain with the congress except a past history of being a middle thinking party".
In saying so, Ms. Acharya, did speak her inner reservations with regard to her party's growing linkages with the party of the rebels. This also means that Koirala's hob-nobbing with the rebel leaders in New Delhi has come in a bad taste for Ms. Acharya.
However, Koirala is determined in his political adventure to what he concludes perhaps internally.
It is this difference with his own niece that has contributed to Koirala's frustration.
Thirdly, some alliance partners of the movement against what they call "regression" too have spelt out their strong reservations in having a sort of alliance with the rebels.
This means that Koirala's grip in the alliance is also some what weakening as he has not been apparently able to convince his partners the positive impact of such an alliance with the Maoists at the present juncture.
All put together, Koirala's politics appears to be in a bad shape. Analysts say that what would happen to Koirala's image in New Delhi if he failed to accommodate the Maoists in his seven party alliance as presumably suggested by the men in Delhi who accorded a red carpet welcome for him.
Analysts believe that that welcome was not an unconditional one as a matter of rule. What was that condition let it be a matter of intellectual discussion among the watchers of Nepali here?
UML rejects possibility of an alliance with rebels
says fissure is as deeper as Pacific Ocean
Kathmandu: The party of the communists, the UML, appears to have certain plausible reservations against NC president Koirala's formulae that the seven party alliances against regression should have also an association with the Maoists in order to press the King to yield to their demands.
That the UML possesses differences with Congress and more so with its president Koirala came to the fore Monday when one of the influential stalwart of the communist party, Jhala nath Khanal, censured the possibility of having a union with the Maoists at least at this juncture for a variety of political reasons.
This means that the UML is disapproving Koirala's contention that the King could be pressed if the rebel insurgents were brought to its fold of agitation.
The fact is that the UML now says that there "exist a difference of opinion of the dimension and depth of a Pacific Ocean in between the political parties currently in agitation and the Maoists".
Says Khanal: " Since we still believe in the multiparty democracy and a constitutional monarchy, how can under such conditions we the adherents of a democratic system coordinate with the Maoists who have still guns in their hands".
He further says in a bit aggressive tone that the " since the Maoists were still killing, abducting and creating terror in the countryside and that they have been killing our party activists so under such circumstances grouping with the Maoists would be next to impossible".
"The Maoists' violence continues unabated", added Khanal talking to some TV Monday evening.
This means that at least for the time being, the UML would not push the idea of having an alliance with the Maoists. This implies that the UML would consider if the Maoists abandoned violence and handed over the arms for good.
Analysts say that the UML through its party man has tried to clarify its position vis-à-vis the Maoists. The other parties in the coalition against regression have yet to speak their minds in this regard.
The fact is that Koirala threw one stone in the already troubled waters of Nepali politics hoping that his stone would create ripples and that his adventure would yield tangible political results. Now with the UML summarily rejecting Koirala's formulae it seems that the latter would be left in the cold after some time.
Notably, Lila Mani Pokhrel, a leader of some meager communist faction, too some how or the other maintained that joining the Maoists in their coalition were not a matter to be blown out of proportion.
He opines that let the Task Force which has been entrusted to carry on with the idea will determine how to proceed if talks with the Maoists yielded positive results.
This again means that Mr. Pokhrel is not so confident about Maoists coming to talks and laying down the arms prior to joining the coalition currently headed by Monsieur Koirala.
Analysts say that chances were bleak of the Maoists abandoning the arms because, analysts maintain, Maoists without arms and lethal weapons are simply cipher. In addition to that, Maoists without guns as good as nothing. Their political entity, continue the analysts, will come to an end the minute they lay down their arms.
However, analysts, hasten to add that if the Maoists said good bye to the guns would mean that they were intending to have a sort of safe-landing which in addition imply that they now opt to become a part of the mainstream politics of the nation.
Summing up, it appears that the Maoists too were in a mood to enter into the mainstream politics. The problem with them presumably is theirs having the guns. They know clearly that guns in their possession is allowing them to negotiate with a position of strength which apparently they don't want to lose under the whimsical instigation of Koirala. To recall, fortunately, Koirala is also on record to have said that he too would wish the Maoists coming to see him without the strength of the guns.
This means that Maoists' desire to join the seven party alliance as per their declaration and the political party's latent wish to have them in their coalition has come to a point which demanded greater flexibility on the part of the rebels and sound political acumen on part of the political parties.
Analysts say that neither the Maoists can exhibit greater flexibility nor the parties possess that acumen to handle such a situation.
Nevertheless, Prachanda is on record to have stated yesterday that his party was ready to exhibit maximum flexibility while talking with the political parties. Will Prachanda be ready to exhibit flexibility as promised? What then of his strength?
Who prompts Prachanda to reinstate his opponent?
Kathmandu: Prachanda's fury and rage against his comrade-in-arms, Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai, appears to have subsided for the time being.
The two top hats of the insurgency presumably have joined hands and apparently have decided to steer their movement with full determination.
Through a press note received through electronic mail, Comrade Prachanda has notified all and sundry that henceforth party charges on Dr. Bhattarai stood null and void.
Not only this, Dr. Bhattarai has been instructed to discharge his duties by being in the polit bureau post, a post considered to be of tremendous importance and responsibility loaded one. In addition to this, Dr. Bhattarai's spouse, Hisila Yami, too has been awarded a lucrative post. To recall, both the husband and wife were a couple of months ago stripped off their posts.
Nonetheless, what is intriguing is why so all of a sudden Comrade Prachanda took this epoch making decision? Question thus arises as to which factors compelled Prachanda to possess soft corner for his nearest and dearest political rival in the party of the insurgents? Was this decision Prachanda's own or some groups or for that matter nations pushed him to the wall?
This question assumes importance in the light of the fact that a couple of weeks back, there were strong rumors that India's central government through its intermediaries had approached Prachanda and appealed him to have soft corner for Prachanda. In effect, the rumor even suggested that South Block suggested the rebel chief to reinstate Dr. Bhattarai and enjoy the benefits.
Whether Prachanda did this on his own or have had to yield to a very strong international pressure time will tell.
At present the fact is that the two top hats have had a reunion of sorts.
Be that as it may, Dr. Bhattarai's suspension from his former post a couple of months ago and his being rumored as a political giant close to the Indian establishment and the disclaimer to that from the Bhattarai camp does tell that some thing went not good for the political health of the party of the rebels.
What was interesting to note was that the tussle (ideological or a whimsical one aimed at damaging one's political credentials?) brought to the fore that the two differing top hats were having allegiance to two different power centers. At least the allegations by Dr. Bhattarai that those who were dubbing him as pro-India man were automatically the ones who were having closer linkages with the Nepal's palace.
Presumably thus the tussle was in between who was Bharat Ratna and who was Nepal Ratna.
Analysts say that both were sons of the same soil and hence both were true nationalists at par with those who claim day-in-day-out that they were the champions of Nepali nationalism.
In the fresh statement, Prachanda has expressed his willingness to forge an alliance with the "pro-people" powers hinting that should the political parties so desire his party would be more than willing to join their Kathmandu centered movement against regression.
However, Prachanda's desire to come closer to the seven party alliance has been left high and dry by the UML which says that the party could consider this eventuality only when the rebels abandoned violence of the sort what they were practicing as of now.
The Prachanda statement does talk about an united effort for the installation of what he calls for a "total democracy". However, he does not explain what he means by the vague term total democracy? Whether this total democracy is equivalent to the Maoists People's democracy or is at par with the democratic system what is now in place, Prachanda's statement does not clarify this?
Analysts in Kathmandu hasten to add that Prachanda's recent decision to reinstate his detractor to a more coveted post could have been a fear of the possibility of the party going to disintegrate. Or it could be some alien forces convincing Prachanda that it was time for unity and not otherwise.
Having said that, question remains intact: Will Dr. Bhattarai's reinstatement provide an original shape to the party to what was prior to the Himalayan tussle in between the two?
Avoid possible split in media sector
Kathmandu: The Umbrella organization of the Nepalese Journalists, FNJ, is presumably experiencing a sort of pain because a similar organization appears to be in the offing that would reportedly house the professional journalists of the country.
Organizers of the would be Federation of the media men contend that the one which they were forming would strictly take care of the problems and the issues confronting the professional journalists and would not indulge in politics.
A sizeable chunk of Nepalese journalists who have had so far remained with the FNJ now appear to be thinking twice as to which of the two organization would be lucrative and fitting for them and their profession.
After a gap of well over two decades or so of their happy union, the Nepali journalists appear to be in a mood to break the FNJ for reasons not yet clear to most of the journalists who prefer patching up of the differences, if any, than going in for a separate journalists identity.
Divided we fall, this is certain. Equally certain is that the Nepalese journalists are in need of an institution, indeed an umbrella one, that would refrain from toeing the political line in any pretext or the other but instead push its case according to the merits that they duly deserve.
The Telegraph urges both the FNJ and the in-making organization to mend up their differences in the larger interest of the media men of the country.
Media men as we are should come first and later our political affiliations, if any, should follow.
ENBREF
Brahimi welcomes Maoists offer for talks
Kathmandu: Winding up his a week long visit, the UN envoy Lakhdar Brahimi said the Maoist crisis in Nepal was getting serious and called on the warring sides to do everything possible to find an urgent solution to restore peace. He was talking to the press before his departure.
Talking to the media Mr Brahimi added that, “One does not need to tell the people of Nepal that they are facing a very serious crisis, but it should be noted that a solution is not beyond reach." He also welcomed the Maoists offer for talks and said the rebels must end their violence and called them to give up arms as soon as possible.
He added that the commitment made by the Maoist leader Prachanda and the party leaders is a positive development in finding a solution to the prolonged Maoist problem.
Nepal backs Japan for UNSC seat
Kathmandu: News reports last week claimed that Nepal is backing Japan's bid to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), whereas Nepal has yet to formally outline its position on which countries it will extend its support for the UNSC bid.
The visiting Nepali Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey who was in Tokyo with Crown Prince Paras and Princess Himani, expressed support for Japan's effort to gain a permanent seat on the UNSC and said that Nepal wants Japan to play a more decisive role in the international community.
Maoists bomb textile factory
Kathmandu: The CPN (Maoists) rebels attacked country's largest textile factory at Sunsari, -around 500 kilometers southeast of capital Kathmandu with bombs and forced it to close down after the company reportedly refused to pay bribes.
The estimated cost of property damaged was around 350 million Nepalese rupees-4.9 million dollars.
The closure of the factory has affected more than 2,600 laborers working in different shifts.
The Reliance Spinning Mills, owned by Nepali investors, exports cotton yarn products to India. The 2.8 billion-rupee factory started operations in 1995.
Dev Anand honored
Kathmandu: Bollywood legendary personality Dev Anand was honored with the 'Film Excellence Award' at Nepal's first National Film Festival last week.
His Majesty the King Gyanendra gave away the award to the Indian Maitinee idol at a special function held at the Birendra International Convention Centre here on the final day of the week-long National Film Festival 2005, organized as part of the monarch's 59th birthday celebrations.
After receiving the award Mr. Dev Anand thanked the authorities and said that, "I am greatly honored with this award," and added, “it would be even great award for me if I could shoot in the Himalayas, probably in Pokhara... Nothing will stop if I want to do another picture here again," he concluded.
International agency warns of humanitarian crisis
Kathmandu: In a written assessment by a Washington D.C based Refugees International after a three-week long mission to the Himalayan kingdom said that, ''the humanitarian situation in Nepal is not yet a crisis.
The situation will worsen, however, unless an effective strategy to protect and assist the displaced is developed and implemented,''. The statement further said that the International agencies must take immediate steps to protect people fleeing Nepal's nine-year guerilla war or they will see the country engulfed in a humanitarian crisis.
Estimates of the numbers of Nepal's internally displaced people (IDPs or refugees who have not crossed international borders) vary widely, from 200,000 to 500,000, with at least 400,000 and possibly as many as two million more having crossed into India to flee the conflict, according to Refugees International analysts Michelle Brown and Kavita Shukla.(One world US)
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