|
The Political Trade of Smoking
- Kishor Shrestha, Chief editor, The Jan Aastha weekly, Nepal
June 29, Kathmandu / No businessman ever wants to ill publicize his trade or goods. It is the holy work of traders to hide the demerits of their production. That is the reason why even worse things are depicted, as good and duplicate goods are sold as genuine. But in the business of cigarette that is not allowed to be sold without printing, "Smoking is injurious to your health" in cigarette packets in many countries.
There was a great hue and cry in our neighboring country, India when smoking was prohibited for sometime. But, my dear readers, in our northern neighbor China, whose 60 percent revenue is due from smoking and if anyone talked about the health hazards of smoking, he is vigorously countered and even arguments begin to flow that smoking makes a person live longer life.
China is a socialist country. Capitalist production only cares for profit. But, Socialism takes into account human welfare. If this socialist philosophical point of view is taken into consideration the Chinese argument in favor of smoking only amounts to the politics of smoking. Because all the arguments in favor of smoking are related to politicians from Mao to Stalin.
Smoking is injurious to health; this fact is publicized around the world. But the inhabitants of China's Yunnan province do not accept this at all.
This region, for the first time in 50 years, is facing drought but Si Ming Hui and other local government officers openly advocate the merits of smoking and say, "It is futile to say that smoking kills because Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill, the heroes of the Second World War were heavy smokers who lived comparatively long.
But younger dictator Hitler, who hated smoking was defeated and had to commit suicide. Mao who smoked heavily also lived to the age of 81. But Deng Xiao Bing who quit smoking on the advice of medical practitioners died before seeing his dream of Hong Kong's return to China in 1997. Had he not quit smoking, he could have lived longer." This is the specialty of Chinese traders.
Previously the Marwaris of Nepal and India used to speak in accordance with the situation. But now, by speaking in such a way the Chinese are covering the world. The hard fact is this that out of 1.1 billion addicted to smoking, 32 crores live in Chine alone. And, at the rate of 80 thousand students per day are being added to this multitude of Chinese smokers.
Trading is also an art, otherwise how a country with only seven percent of the world's fertile land could provide food and shelter for Chinese who are 21 percent of the world's population.
Only from last week direct flight between Kunming and Dhaka began. Due to trade of machinery, medicine and small hydel projects with India Kunming earned a profit of one hundred million US dollars last year and is trying to forge a partnership in information technology.
This province of China falls inside the golden triangle of drug production. Therefore, this province is not aloof from HIV epidemic. Yunnan one of the limited regions which adds a total of three percent to the gross domestic production is due to agriculture. The interesting thing is that yunnan earns 60 percent by means of tobacco only.
There is a saying that no one learns it without facing it. The nose of Japan was rubbing the dust of defeat due to big power countries Russia, England and America. But Japan faced it and kept vows in heart to avenge the incidence of being forced to kneel down before big countries and it quietly progressed.
The story of Lijiang, snowy mountain facing city of yunnan is also similar to it. In 1996 the process to enter Lijiang city in the list of world cultural Heritage began. But when it was in the last legs of getting that, suddenly this place went through an earthquake of 7-richtor scales. It had to wait extra two long years for it.
But it did not accept the defeat and today it has leapt very high.
We too have many ancient dwellings. Lijiang is at a distance of thousands of mile from the capital city of Beijing but we have Sankhu, Khokana, Bungamati, Tokha and many other places which could well be transformed into what is today Lijiang provided we have strong will. Lijiang is the burning example that even by preserving old structures we can make a place center of attraction. In the year 2004 its income rose by 14 percent and in spite of droughts it does not seem to go down than 12 percent. Every year 4 million internal and foreign tourists flock. The roof of every house is made of black limestone. It is very nice to look the floating of fishes of different colors in the beautiful rivulets of this city. This small city of running rivulets earned 2.5 billion yuan by means of tourism only. Next year it has the target of earning 25 billion equivalent to 71 crore Nepalese Rupee out of tourism. Marxism says work according to ability and pay in accordance with work. Equality does not mean same payment for a hardworking and a lazy person. First, let them be rich who can become rich and help the poor out of their richness in order to progress.
Following Deng Xiao Bing's teaching no one should sit idle and all should try to become rich. To be a communist means to try his best to progress. In the past, in search of development models China sent its special representatives to USA, Yugoslavia, Soviet Union, Romania and all over. And drawing essence from all, China implemented the policies that suited it.
Nurual Kabir, a journalist from Bangladesh put the question "That means you became Red capitalist over night ? to Yang Guo Xiang the director general of the Foreign Affairs Office of Sanghai. without being agitated he replied "You can brand it anything. But it suits to us and is our speciality. Formerly the government used to give land to the peasant and ask him "You raise corn on it". Today the sons of soil have begun to say "we have to sell our product in the market. Customers demand vegetable and we can not force them to purchase things that they do not want. So excuse us government lord ! We donot want to raise corn but seasonal fruits and vegetables." Perhaps this is called the "market economy".
Really, what would have happend had not Japan, France, Britain etc not colonised it. Due to feelings of nationalism and drive to avenge the exploitation of the past . inspite of decade of destructions (1966-1976) that China was able to rise from the bottom of earth. Death of Chairman Liu Shao Chi in prison, insults to the great fighter of people's liberation army and defence minister Peng Te Hui, removal of Deng Xiao Bing to exile in village for four years.
Chen Yi, Chen Yun etc were in favour of reforms but at that time their attempts for economic and social reforms were branded as revisionism and bourgeoise thinking. In the old age they were disgraced.
After the advent of Khruschov in Soviet Union, Russia suddenly withdrew from the development works in China and created a chaos. But perhaps due to the agony created that China made spectacular progress in atomic, nuclear and space sciences fields.
Just only one year prior to us China was liberated from the long scattered colonial divisons. Today China is in the race for progress in all fields.
Beyond our imagination it is constructing 32.5 Km long bridge (Gong Hai) in the sea, which is longest in the world. But we can not even fill a ditch in our capital Kathmandu without foreign aid. Chao Yushu, deputy secretary general of the Department of National Development and Reform Commission told that price of thirteen essential goods of direct concern to the people like salt, electricity, education etc. only are under government's jurisdiction. He informed that those who earn less than 260 yuan get state help, only three crore people (out of 126 crore) are below poverty line and 4.2 percent of the total population are unemployed. He further said that foreign investors do not have to pay income tax for three years, half tax for five years. He also said that only 189 big business are under state control and the number of private and joint investment is 3 crore 20 lakh.
The Russian example of the decade of 1990 clearly shows what happens to those who do not care about the welfare of the people.
After adopting the open door policy in 1978 by 2004 gross domestic production rate of 9.4 and average per capita income reached one thousand dollars.
According to him, at present China has foreign currency balance of 7 Billion dollars.
Lijiang has so beautiful scenic landscapes that I can not express in words. Lijiang is a garden of 22 ethnic tribes out of the 56 of China. There are 8 hotels with star facilities in Lijiang and their accomodation capacity is 30,000 beds. Its airport can handle 80,000 passengers per day.
In China, 33 crore and 70 Lakh people use internet and China became the largest user of mobile phones within 10 years. A very good speciality of the Chinese people is that their economic and physical infrastructers planning are time-bound and they complete it at any cost. If leaders were not honest to their objectives it would have been impossible to achieve such tremendous progress. Between 1978 and 2003 China's gross domestic production of 147.3 billion US dollar reached to 1.4 Trillion US dollar.
In 1988 China had only 18.5 kilometers of express highway but after 10 years it has 19000 kms of such highways. If you go to China today and again go there after six months you would not get it with same condition.
A small example is this that the map of roads in capital Beijing changes after every two month.
Today's China is heaven for those who have ability and dedication. You may be surprised to hear that the age of the richest man of China today is only 32 years. In 1997 with an investment of 5 lakh Yuan this young man named Ding Leng started the business of online advertisement and online plays. Between 2002 to 2003 in the duration of one year he earned 377.8 percent profit and his wealth reached to the tune of 7.5 billion Yuan.
A South Asian vision without an attempt to promote a SA identity remains weak and incomplete
Dr. Prakash Chandra Lohani, Former Foreign Minister, Nepal
The Values
 |
South Asian regional cooperation so far has not progressed beyond the survival stage. All nations want to be seen as promoting a new era of regional cooperation in improving the social and economic condition of the people in the region but the values implicit in this commitment has not been seriously examined with the result that regional cooperation is surviving more as a concept than an operational plan of action. It is still in a survival rather than an action mode. Occasionally there is a new burst of new ideas and programs but it looses its momentum pretty soon after the declarations in the summit are announced to the press. The fact remains that South Asian Regional Cooperation is not in the priority agenda of most nations. The state apparatus in all the countries spring into action normally during the period of biannual summit and then revert back to its attitude of benign neglect. The organization structure established to stimulate regional cooperation - the SAARC secretariat reflects this attitude and it generally finds itself languishing cool and composed, waiting for new initiatives from member countries collectively to move forward in a meaningful manner.
For South Asian regional cooperation to advance forcefully so that it becomes a force for the improvement in the lives of the people of the countries in the region there will have to emerge a certain level of commitment to values that sustain the vision. A beginning in this direction can be made if we are able to agree on certain value propositions for the future as outlined below.
A South Asian Identity
Our region has seven independent nations that have so far shown little interest in evolving a distinct South Asian identity. The countries in the region are still in the stage of consolidating their differences rather than promoting a regional identity that should help develop a mind set congenial to regional cooperation. There is the lurking feeling that any attempt to seriously develop a regional identity will ultimately come in conflict with the objective of strengthening national individuality which remains a primary focus for all the nations except perhaps India which because of its overwhelming size and strength does not have to worry on this count .
All South Asian states inherit certain historical baggages' that are prone to conflict rather than cooperation for mutual benefit. The civilizational component of the region remains the strongest link for a South Asian identity but the political, economic and security dimension of the relationship that has evolved so far has encouraged regional detachment rather than regional bonding for mutual gain and development. It is this attitude that is a major hindrance in evolving a South Asian identity that is based on a win win structure of cooperation for mutual gain and benefit. This lacuna is being gradually recognized and attempts are in motion to present a common South Asian perspective in international forum on trade and development. The efforts so far however lack the commitment and vigor to project this perception as a durable strategy based on a willingness to develop a relationship of trust and confidence among the member nations. The perception that a new South Asian identity is quite compatible with the plurality of seven sovereign nations still remains an elusive concept that has yet to find its moorings in the volatile political atmosphere of the region. But a South Asian vision of prosperity and material well being of the people in the region will be a difficult proposition unless the notion of a South Asian identity that finds strength on the principle of promoting and encouraging new complementarities among the economies of the region relying on the principle of equitable sharing of benefits is firmly adhered to. Thus a South Asian vision without deliberate attempt to promote a South Asian identity remains weak and incomplete.
The Economics of Neighborhood
Normally countries that are close to one another geographically and share border can be expected to trade with each other provided that there is the political inclination for this purpose. South Asian countries have yet to show this inclination. Economic uncoupling rather than bonding has been the norm even though it is denied in speeches and statements. There has been for example little attempt to repair and revitalize the traditional transport links or to build new access routes that would reduce the transaction cost of trade flows among the nations, Let us face the facts. If India has to reach its northeastern states it could do so at a much lower cost through Bangladesh than the present route that it has to follow from within its own territory. Trade between Pakistan and Bangladesh has to take a circuitous route because the direct link via India is not available. There are other examples we could cite. The essential point is that South Asian Regional economic cooperation will require a South Asian integrated transport system supported by a modern customs facilitation procedure, which at the moment is simply not in the cards. The basic issue involved here is the question of norms and values or operative codes that are essential for regional economic cooperation. If nations in the region are not ready to entertain this possibility the link between vision and values is broken and the whole exercise comes to a naught.
In the 1990's the worldwide wave of economic liberalization has had its impact on the nations in South Asia. The license raj and the commanding height model of socio economic transformation are no longer in vogue. In fact there is broad convergence in the basic thrust and direction of macro economic policies of all the countries in the region even though their pace and magnitude differs from one country to another. It is a convergence that has been a part of a world wide shift in the paradigm of development and in no way reflects the conscious collaboration of the South Asian nations. Nevertheless it does provide a basic building block for pushing the logic of the econornics of neighborhood in the area of liberalizing trade and financial flows, encouraging regional investments which at the present is abysmally low, promoting integration of transport infrastructure and forging new links among the civil societies of all the countries. So far it remains a fact that the economics of neighborhood has often been consciously ignored.
The border problems between India and Pakistan have often been cited as the main constraint in moving ahead with the idea of the economics of neighborhood. The Kashmir issue is of course more than simple border issue: its emotional grip on the populace of both the countries remain a crucial political phenomenon that politicians in both countries can hardly ignore. Yet the idea that no progress can be achieved in regional cooperation until all the outstanding political problems can be solved needs to be reviewed. In fact even marginal 'movements and steps in promoting regional economic cooperation may be able to provide the time span to solve the political problems for it exposes the cost of non cooperation to all the stakeholders. A recent study indicates that the trade potential between India and Pakistan assuming SAFTA and a stable condition is to the tune $5.0 billion whereas it remains at $250-300 million at the present'. Obviously the new trade creating effects of regional cooperation are quite impressive even under static conditions.
Excerpts from the author's paper presented at an IFS seminar held in Kathmandu July 15, 2005.Ed.
Political socialization at the grassroots
-Dr. Rabindra Khanal, T.U
 |
"The foundation first" is a motto that every political party and their leaders have to bear in mind to build up the party and strengthen democracy. As long as the foundation remains weak, the structure cannot be strong. National democracy is the manifestation of local democracy. Local governments are small and are the basic units in the exercise of democratic values. If the small units manage themselves well and institutionalize good governance, the state becomes politically healthy because the state is the combination of these small units. It helps to realize democracy from the grassroots all the way to the national level. Local governments, in fact, are the integrants of democracy, which prepare individual citizens as useful members of the society for participatory democracy. But good governance, a very popular slogan in present political scenario, demands accountability, legitimacy, and transparency from the government and there are no better organs than the local self-government units for exercising these principles. This is why the political parties should make sure that a significant portion of party's time, attention, and money is directed to the local level.
There are 3,913 VDCs, 58 Municipalities, and 75 districts in Nepal and each of these units do have their local self-government structures. Political parties are established to organize people into their line of ideology and educate them further to join their party and ultimately caste votes for them in the election. If the political parties can reach people in all these local units, they will have few problems to make government even at the center, because the process of democratic exercise begins from the grassroots. Thus, the process of political education and socialization must begin from the village level. In Nepal, nearly hundred political parties have been registered, but only NC, CPN-UML and partly RPP have reached to every village, district, and region. NSP and NeWPP have not yet been able to nominate candidates for parliamentary elections, leave aside the local ones. They should be thus considered as local political parties rather than national ones.
Political parties are more important than other agents of political socialization at this stage. Only they have networks throughout the country and can easily reach people at the grassroots. Other organizations are confined to cities, district headquarters or to a certain place, with branches unavailable at the village level. Political parties have the advantage of being present in every nook and corner of the country. That is why political parties are considered a powerful means of political socialization. If they function in a proper way and provide civic and political education properly, they will have no difficulty in convincing the people and socialize them according to their political ideology. But the role of political parties in this context is not only political. They must promote social justice, economic advancement, and political consciousness simultaneously so that people are attracted to them with enlightened objectives, vision, and the hope of better living standards.
Role of major political parties in the grassroots socialization
Political parties are inseparable elements of representative democracy. The existence of political opposition - in the form of organized political parties – is the litmus test of democracy." The rationale of political party can thus be hardly denied in a democracy. It organizes people under one political idea, recruits, and socializes them for political participation and forms local as well as national governments to implement its political agenda.
The concept of political party and party politics is relatively new in Nepal in comparison to the West. Its history hardly goes beyond five decades. Within these five decades, however, political parties were banned for thirty years during the Panchayat period. After the restoration of multiparty democracy, political parties were fully recognized in operating the political system in democratic manners. Even though the number of registered political parties reached about hundred, not more than five political parties remained in the limelight during the past 15 years. They mostly have concentrated at the national level political activities and their major intention is to be elected to the national legislature rather than making their base at the grassroots. This weakness of the political parties existed during the 1950s, too, as a result of which when they were banned in December 1960, the common people did not come out in their support. If the political parties do not change this character, they will not be institutionalized and the threat of authoritarianism will remain. As long as the political parties and the system they operate in are not institutionalized, democracy in Nepal remains insecure.
Major political parties, in spite of their failure in the past, have realized their past mistakes and are now trying to involve themselves among people at the grassroots. They are working hard to increase their political networking throughout the country. The result of this hard work is the increase in political consciousness of the local people. It is not yet clear whether the local politics is too much politicized and political parties have gone too far in the process of socialization, but it is certainly true that people have become aware of the rights of the citizens. They have started to demand their due rights in abolishing social evils like poverty, illiteracy, and ignorance. The growth of socio-economic and political consciousness among the people has some times put the state in an odd position challenging it to deliver goods and services beyond its capacity. The state does have such a responsibility and must be able to cope with demands coming from the people or else should give way to a system, which is capable of doing so. The Maoist insurgency, in this context, is the outcome of the state's failure in dealing with growing political and aspirations of the people. The question here is: What made the local people in remote places so much aware and what prevented the state to deal with them in a proper way? The role of political parties is certainly crucial and they can be blamed for not leading the people in the right path through their political indoctrination. When the major political parties failed to reach the areas with constructive programs, CPN-Maoist filled the vacuum. The role of major political parties in the process of socialization in that context needs to be examined to find out the reality at the grassroots.
In the multiparty system that now is functioning as a system of governance after its introduction in 1990, two large parties have emerged: the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML). Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) is regarded as a medium-sized party and one small but noticeable party is Nepal Sadbhabana Party. Another small party is Nepal Peasants and Workers Party. The constitution prohibits the formation of political parties based on regional, caste, ethnicity or religious considerations; that is why these small political parties describe them as national parties.
In regard to the role of political parties at the grassroots and local level it is obvious that the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML are the only two parties with bases in almost all villages and towns. Even providing candidates for each local body unit is a challenge, which no other political party has been able to do till now. RPP is gaining momentum, but it is still branded as the party of ex-panchas and people who committed to the multiparty system still hesitate to join it. NSP has the limitation of being a party of the Terai people and has not yet been able to consolidate the people from that area. NC and CPN-UML are much more popular in the Terai than the NSP, which claims to be the unifier of the Terai people.
Conclusion
Political parties are the most important elements of democracy. Scholars of political science and democracy have agreed that without political parties, people would not know how to participate in the political process. Their role at the grassroots level is still more important because democracy begins at this level. Since Nepal has adopted a multiparty democracy, the role of political parties has been well accepted both at the grassroots and the national level. They have been the best agents of political socialization, political recruitment, and political indoctrination. Political party's involvement at the grassroots has made people politically conscious to a great extent, which has made the process of democratization more challenging. The challenges coming to the state from various sector of the society is the outcome of that consciousness. Political parties on the other hand think highly of local self-government and have vowed to strengthen these local bodies for the promotion of democracy in Nepal.
Excerpts of the author's article published in Journal of Political Science Vol8, N3, T.U-Ed
|
