Wednesday, September 7, 2005

Controlling Corruption

Dr. Narayan Manandhar, Nepal

Controlling corruption often becomes an emotive issue. Ask an average Nepali, what should be done to combat corruption? Invariably one will get responses like these: hang him in Tundikhel, imprison him and confiscate his property, black smear him, social boycotting etc. These responses are more a ventilation of ones helplessness and/or frustration than a well thought out plan to control corruption. Here the clear emphasis is on punishment and sanctions. If draconian measures were an effective tool to control corruption, China and Vietnam should come at the top of the list of clean countries published annually by Transparency International In both countries, corruption convicts can meet the death sentence. Instead, in 2004, China and Vietnam were ranked at 71st and 106th position respectively among 146 countries of the world.

Given the situation of impunity in the country, the suggestions for having a harsh punishment for corruption convicts may be a natural and the only response available. However, the idea distracts us from focusing on sickness (corruption) rather than sick person (corrupt person) as the source of the problem. Since corruption is also a type of crime, we can bring in the analogy of criminology. Which is an important factor in controlling the crime - the crime or the criminal? Dealing with a criminal is far easier and visible than dealing with the crime. Eliminate the criminal; you do away with the crime. However, the life is not that simple.

First, focusing squarely on the criminal requires a holier than thou attitude. The assumption here is that you are cleaner than every one else and therefore you only have the rights to take action on corrupt people.

This is the posture now being exhibited by the Royal Commission on Corruption Control (RCCC). This is also the subjective interpretation of corruption, - you categorically divide people into two, namely, corrupt people and clean people. However, in a kleptocratic state (where majority is composed of thieves and thugs) it is very difficult to point fingers. In such a state often it is the bigger fish that is running after smaller fishes. The legal rules are like cobwebs that are meant to catch small flies while big ones easily get away.

Second, the disease of corruption is highly contagious therefore it must be cured. The experience tells us that prevention is not only better but also cheaper than a cure. In order to shift our focus from the sick person to the sickness, we need an objective interpretation of corruption. The objective interpretation assumes that there are equal chances for every one becoming corrupt. We can all be corrupt and, at the same time, we can all become clean. We are not born to be corrupt; it is system that make us corrupt. Corruption is much like sickness, people can easily get sick. People get sick either because they have less immune power or the environment itself is so unhygienic that people get sick quickly. Clearly, the focus here is on reforming the system, not the person. This is not to say that corrupt people should be redeemed of their crime. Punitive actions do have deterrent effects on future crimes but in the absence of system reform, they have little relevance.

The problem with the Royal Commission is that that they are having subjective interpretation of corruption. Mr. Bhakta Bahadur Koirala said to have churned out this criterion for defining corruption - "people who once used to be in their slippers now living in palatial buildings". If this is going to be the defining criterion what about the corruption crimes committed by the people already living in high and big palaces? The very idea that multiparty politics is all infested with corruption is a biased view. Corruption during Panchayat days was more heinous; the only difference is that, due to press control, people have little information on inside corruptions.

Third, focusing on the criminal is far easier and visible than focusing on the crime itself. It is fairly easy to organize a mass demonstration against a particular corrupt individual or a particular corruption case, but it will take a mountain of effort to raise public awareness to fight against the vices of corruption. However, the danger with this approach to control corruption is that it can very easily be misused. The tool can be used to muzzle the voices of the opponents or to have sacrificial lambs to prolong one's hold onto power. Mr. Deuba is a clear example here. Many people believe that actions against Mr. Deuba and his associates is clearly a test case, success of which can be replicated further.

Fourth, curative punitive measures are retroactive and messy. Why look for corruption during multiparty days only? Why not look at corruption of the Panchayat days or during 235 years of Nepali history? This is the problem with digging into past crimes. It is far better to plug a loophole in the system than to spend enormous efforts in detecting the things that have already leaked out from the system. A nation launching anti­corruption drive must make an uncomfortable choice between prevention of future corruption crimes and/or detecting the past crimes. The detection of past crimes is useful to the extent of creating deterrent measure and also recovering lost assets. If there is little possibility on these two counts, it is better to abandon the system itself.

Finally, an expert in governance measure, Daniel Kaufmann from World Bank, writes "fighting corruption cannot be done by merely 'fighting corruption' - through organizing another anti-corruption campaign, or by establishing anti-corruption agency or redrafting laws that are rarely going to be enforced." Broader issues like establishing rule of law, protecting property rights, promoting freedom of the press, political competition, transparency in party funding, civil society participation etc. have to be addressed. There is a negative correlation between political freedom and corruption. In the case of press freedom, the relationship is more pronounced. Trying to tackle corruption by constraining political freedom or muzzling the voices of the press – is itself a form of corruption. That is why the very source of anti-corruption could also be a source of corruption.

Research studies on effectiveness of anti-corruption programs have shown that without having a holistic focus, they are bound to fail. The anti-corruption program must be embedded on a broader set governance reform programs. A stand alone, isolated anti-corruption program will have no meaning. Sooner or later, it will turn up to be cheap political propaganda. There are no short cuts or quick fixes to corruption problems. The belief that corruption can be eradicated quickly and permanently only leads to false expectations that result in disappointment and distrust.

The objective approach to anti-corruption relies on the empirical fact and figures; on careful dissecting of the causes and the consequences of corruption. In the absence of this, broader perspective, tackling corruption per se will be like treating the symptoms rather than the causes. Systematic research and information must proceed before launching an anti-corruption program. In the absence of this anti--corruption programs will be like keeping the cart before the horse.

Text courtesy: Author's book on "Corruption and anti-corruption". Ed.

South Asia Tribune Story Echoes in Dhaka During Natwar Singh Visit

 By Mizan Rahman

DHAKA, August 11: Journalists and Government officials in Bangladesh have expressed surprise over newspaper reports here that Indian intelligence agencies offer "handsome money" to journalists to write articles against Bangladesh, and two other neighboring countries.

The newspapers carried a report of an Indian journalist on the day Indian External Affairs Minister Natwar Singh left Dhaka for Delhi at  the end of three-day 'goodwill' visit claiming to have broken the deadlock and dispelling the mistrust" between the two neighboring  countries in their bilateral relations. The New Nation of Bangladesh carried the entire South Asia Tribune  story written by Arun Rajnath on August 6. Click to View  "This visit can be called fruitful; we have re-established the contact at the highest level in the spirit of cordiality, goodwill and friendship," Natwar Singh told journalists at Zia International Airport prior to his departure. Foreign Minister M Morshed Khan was  present at the airport to see off his Indian counterpart.

 The newspapers quoted Arun Rajnath, New Delhi correspondent of the  Washington-based online newspaper South Asian Tribune, as reporting  that he was offered Rs10,000 per month to write a story against Bangladesh, Pakistan or Nepal.

 Rajnath's revelation was published in a special report of the  newspaper headlined 'Indian Officials Harassing South Asia Tribune New Delhi Correspondent' on July 27.

 The report, which detailed description of the Indian intelligence agencies' clout among Indian journalists, captures glimpses of  harassment of journalists who refuse to comply with official directives. After refusing to be on the payroll of an intelligence agency, Rajnath, who writes on the Indian army and Kashmir, was refused  accreditation by the External Affairs Ministry, and he became the target of frequent intimidating phone calls from intelligence men.

 The correspondent claimed that many top Indian journalists covering  news relating to ministries of external affairs, home, and defence were on the payroll of the security agencies or the ministries  concerned, and regularly receive "handsome compensation packages".

Commenting on the report, a Bangladeshi intelligence expert said they have reports that not only Indian journalists, but also a number of Bangladeshi writers are on the payroll of Indian sources. Mentioning a lack of resources and motivation on the part of Bangladesh's intelligence agencies, he said, "very little can be done in the existing situation".

 It may be mentioned here that a high profile civil society forum of India yesterday observed that a number of issues between Dhaka and  Delhi are negatively portrayed and misinterpreted in the Bangladesh media. The forum held that a free trade agreement between the two countries would be beneficial for Bangladesh. The forum of Indian parliamentarians, former bureaucrats and economists felt that Bangladesh's position in bilateral trade with the neighbor will be stronger if there is a free trade agreement and an increased level of Indian investment in Bangladesh.

"Some issues including bilateral trade gap between India and Bangladesh are negatively focused in the media," Deb Mukherjee, leader of the forum, told journalists. The Center for Policy Dialogue of  Bangladesh and the India International Center, a Delhi based organization jointly organized the dialogue focusing on trade and commerce.

 This report was published in the Gulf Times, Doha, Qatar. Received via email-ed

Hurting the Sentiments of Ordinary Nepalese

- B. Raj Giri

In the book ‘People Politics and Ideology Democracy and Social Change in Nepal (1999) Martin Hoftun et. al quoted a senior Indian diplomat saying ‘by the year 2000 Nepal will become a part of India’. Despite his/her imperialist claim, fortunately, for proud Nepalese that nothing such has happened, and let’s hope it will never come about. At the same time, since the restoration multiparty ‘democracy’ in 1990, Prime Minister Girija Koirala and his cronies encouraged Indian leaders to have a colossal  influence on Nepal's internal affairs so that their power could be secured. Leadership under Koirala not only accumulated national wealth in their pockets, but also managed to sell off Nepal’s natural resources to Indian government. Today the main benefit Nepalese have got is the inundation of country’s some 1800 kilometre long strip of fat plain bordering India – less than five percent of Nepal’s total land area that supports almost 50 percent the country’s livelihood.

After 1 February 2005, Sujata Koirala (or Jost, as she is married to a German national!) has arrived in Delhi begging Indian establishment to discontinue military aid to Nepal’ unless of course her power hungry father regains his political seat. Does she ever acknowledge that her authoritarian father is the one who actively created violent insurgency in the country? She is petitioning with Indian leaders that King Gyanendra’s move to protect the sovereign independence and territorial integrity of Nepal would be ‘bad’ for India. Hooray, Ms Koirala! This is precisely what Nepal needs after your unscrupulous father, who ruthlessly deprived 25 million Nepalese by making a few cronies, including you prosperous, and now you have blatantly become Nepal bashing. A word of caution though if in 3 years time your father or his ‘tails’ come to clutch political chair, they might have a lot of explaining to do for your thoughtless anti-China and Pakistan balderdash.

Also, lets just hope for Ms Koirala that her father and his associates do not have bank accounts like that of former joint secretary, Niranjan Prasad Chalise, embezzling more than NRs 41.4 million public money by opening 44 bank accounts in 17 banks in the name of his mother and wife. Otherwise the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is on fast-track to recover years of looted properties of Nepalese people, and hand out jail terms. Ms Koirala might be finding an exit path to safe heaven for her father as well as all those plunderers, but lets hope the CIAA is also speeding up. For those who understand current realties from inside Nepal, it is a bit of joyful news that finally at least some national assets will be recovered before these corrupt individuals make their escape. Ordinary Nepalese are also hopeful that King Gyanendra will exclude all these uneducated and corrupt leaders, especially authoritarian Girija Koirala and his comrades. Failing to do so, would not bring any positive changes to Nepal.

Since King Gyanendra assumed all executive powers on 1 February 2005, we have not seen any individual acting ethically while exalting anti-King rhetoric, and remaining mute against Nepal’s People’s War totalitarians and corrupt politicians. So, it has definitely appeared that there is no point in following ethnical principles. Some names of those who are stalwartly misrepresenting the current events in Nepal have appeared in this article. It may afterall be acceptable to include such external individuals, who have taken Nepal’s politics as if it is their personal property.

From the imploring of Ms Koirala, it now appears that Nepal’s crooked politicians may be engaged in clandestine negotiation with Indian leaders. Such doubts are fading away for the fact that now we are hearing news headlines such as ‘India reaffirms its support to political parties’ instead of understanding the plight of ordinary Nepalese. Who knows Nepal’s destiny may be heading towards like that of 1950 Nepal-India (Un)Friendship Treaty that has kept Nepal like a semi-colony of Delhi. Nepal’s opportunist figures may be collaborating with certain anti-Nepal academics like Prof. S. D. Muni to prepare their strategic plans regarding how to make Nepal more subservient than ever by playing dirty games between the atrocious insurgents and a few nationalist Nepalese, including King Gyanendra, and by unfoundedly making China and Pakistan villains in Nepal’s internal politics.

Meanwhile, our foreignised Nepalese, some Western governments, and even academics, including Dr Karl-Heinz Krämer are opting to export ‘liberal democracy’ Constitution of Europe or preferably of the US so that all the ‘-doms’ of Nepal’s nano-minority can be secured. It has been clear from their use of abusive language against King Gyanendra while at the same time offering no alternatives to the current turmoil in Nepal. In fact, there is no mentioning whatsoever of the atrocities of People’s War terrorists.

Recently, we have been hearing/seeing news clips that Britain has suspended £1.4 million (British Pounds) non-lethal military assistance to Nepal while India (with unknown amounts) has decided to put on hold of its military supplies. Now, Nepal People’s War terrorists must be happy. If the Nepalese army has a limited logistical support, they can accelerate their destruction campaign, including bombing schools, ambulances, torching dozens of trucks with live animals inside, letting hundreds of children and women injured and killed by abandoning bombs in their fields, forests or school premises.

In the mean time, while a vast majority of people in Nepal are fearing for their lives, others are concerned with their business while suspending their supports to fight bloody insurgency once and for all. For instance, Indian Ambassador Shib Mukherjee has expressed his ‘displeasure at difficulties by Indian joint venture companies to government officials including United Telecom Limited (UTL) - a joint venture company which got an operating license for 10 years in 2003.’ The reality is, as Nepalese army intensifies its hunt for People’s War insurgents, cutting military aid to Nepal will naturally bring downfall to investment of India and other countries.

The threats have also come from humanitarian organisations against King Gyanendra’s dismissal of counterproductive Deuba-led government. It is unfortunate to hear such pressures, which will only have a direct impact on those Nepalese who are in separate need. While the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation reportedly said it has suspended its projects (amounting some US$16 million a year) in Nepal due to consistent threats from Nepal’s rebels, Denmark has stopped all aid (EUR 20 million annually) to the government of Nepal because of the King’s takeover of power. It is surprising that they did not seem to have problems until the 1 February 2005. Does this also mean that Nepal’s donor countries are more interested in its internal politics than the people suffering from poverty and violence? And there is also question of whether aid organisations really make a difference in needy people’s lives. We have vividly reminded that about 80 percent of grants fly back to the same donor country and hardly 20 percent remains for people who are supposed to receive everything.

 It may be understandable that Nepal’s political leaders are pleased to destroy the country for the sake of their vested interests, but it is hard to digest the fact that many ‘qualified’ Nepalese from Delhi, London to Washington also rallying after Western governments’ suspension of aid to Nepal. It is ill-timed that these people residing in safe places are expressing their happiness when stopping ‘foreign aid’ to Nepal, which will first and foremost affect Nepalese people in desperate circumstances.

 Then, there is the whole population of Nepal affected by the current state of emergency. In this difficult time, it may be wise to engage in pragmatic activities. Instead of staying mere spectators, those capable of doing something should continue helping the victims of violence. For instance, we are told that under currently ‘at least 600 journalists have already lost their jobs and another 1,000 could be laid off’ if situation does not improve (but we are noticing from Nepali Times’ ‘liberty gauge’ that it is improving!). This is a kind of sad news even though Nepalese media outlets have not gone beyond urban centres – pretty much following the pattern of Nepalese leaders. However, the journalists and human rights activists of Nepal could take the courage to make current circumstances something like a recreation for social cause, and perform some humanely deeds.

If possible, journalists and human rights activists could  get in touch with violent insurgency affected districts like Kapilbastu, Dailekh, Rukum etc. to document local people’s plights, and may be actually offer them some direct financial or otherwise support. It is needless to repeat that the need of the hour is that all Nepalese with certain decency should take every opportunity available to them to help the people who are anguished. Running behind the corrupt leaders, who have devastated Nepal and would not even hesitate to lose sovereignty to fulfil their vested interests, is (and will be) quite unfortunate.

Meanwhile, the militant student organisations of various unprincipled political parties, as they cannot destroy public properties in the name of peaceful demonstrations, could visit far flung districts of the country to finally payoff their debts to Nepal and Nepalese people. They can help the people of Dailekh and Kapilbastu districts standing against the atrocity of the People’s War terrorists who have troubled them with frequent acts of coercion and intimidation like closures, kidnapping, extortion, tortures and killings. They could also help reconstruct bombed Kailali district court building so that ordinary people could go there to fight for their justices. Similarly, the current state of emergency does not allow violent student organisations to forcefully close-down schools in the towns, they could go to districts such as Rukum to destroy bunkers around schools, and rebuilds several schools bombed by Nepal’s backward looking insurgents. Moreover, they could find medical support to hundreds of children severely injured in land mines and hand-bombs indiscriminately left behind by Nepal’s terrorists.

It is obvious that Nepal’s politicians are not interested protecting Nepal, and serving Nepalese people. In fact, it currently appears that people like Sujata Koirala and her associates would not even mind if Indian leaders decided to invade the country. Obviously, the present move of King Gyanendra annoys many in the West because they profess anti-King, and anti-Hinduism attitudes. This is clear from the fact that when Nepal captures a few illegally entered Tibetans, it makes international news headlines, but over 100,000 Lhotshampa people exiled by the King of Bhutan since the early 1990s have never received any serious attention. Then, there are some Nepalese who like to imprudently run after those having ill-intentions towards Nepal. What else shall we expect? Afterall Nepal is a ‘hallai halla-ko desh’ (a rumour filled country). For those who believe that peace is the top most priority of today should whole-heartedly support any course of action that achieves its goal.

Received via email-ed.

Ghan Pokhara Ghale gaun

BY RAJEEV DANGOL, Kathmandu

Almost after a climb of four hours from Khudi, Lamjung, reaches this untouched and unexplored village, Ghale Gaun of heart winning scenarios depicting mountain ranges of Annapurna and Manaslu in almost 180 degrees, miraculously. The village comprises of rural livelihood of Gurung community and nearby lies a jungle rich in wild animals and bio-diversity holding most of the faunal species. Butterflies, Ayurbedic herbs (plants having value in terms of traditional medication), deer, different types of rare birds, weeds and flowers such as rhododendron are surely to be witnessed if one tends to explore far into it. Ghale Gaun comprises of 106 houses and situated in the altitude of 2,016 meters from sea level. Compassionate and extremely rich in culture, nature and gesture, this village is certainly to provide heavenly feeling to the visitors. A lifetime opportunity to experience the simplest form of living on earth, the Gurung livelihood in this village is stunning to see, without going very far. Ghale Gaun ties in the Lamjung district 205 km north­west of Kathmandu and takes about eight hours from land to reach Khudi after a 30 minutes ride on the graveled road from Besisahar. Besisahar is the capital of Lamjung district and quite well developed with the concrete setups. One can also have an access to Ghale Gaun from 8esisahar. Significantly, three trekking routes have been allocated to reach the village, which takes normally four to five hours from either route. The routes are Khudi - Bhalamchour - Ghale Gaun, Besisahar - Bagumpani-Ghale Gaon, and Roplephant - Bhanche - Ghale Gaun.

After a 30-minute walk from Ghale Gaun reaches another small but magnificent village namely Ghan Pokhara, having less than 100 houses and holding populace as much as 7,000.

Though almost both the villages are of very similar culture, traditional activities, lifestyle and topography, dialects varies slightly. Ghan Pokhara is situated at an altitude of 2,050 meters from the sea level, which happens to be the highest landscape in the whole Lamjung. Even being so isolated from modern developments, inhabitants are surprisingly aware of hospitality they need to render to their guests. Moreover, the service in such traditional manner rendered by warm hands of these villagers would rarely be found elsewhere in these times. Raw but pleasing and fully vulnerable at nature makes any visitor compel to come up with the heavenly feelings along with the divine blessing of god-fearing people of the villages. The ethnic clothes, costumes and utensils made uniformly by ancient artists of these villages are something to surprise every visitor once or forever. The art of making handicrafts passed on through the centuries is still alive, making an entire village a lively museum. The authentic skill of making `Theki' (pots used for storing ghee and liquor), weaving warm `Bakkhu' from sheep wool is surely not to miss for any visitor.

Ghan Pokhara and Ghale Gaun are lived by 90% of the Gurung populace where others are Bishwakarmas. Bishwakarmas are the unprivileged group of the villages, who are entitled to live as subordinates, dominated and discriminated by the society even today. Many biased rules are made to suppress this community by the other castes. Bishwakarmas are not liable for entering houses of other castes including Gurungs. They are not welcome in any reception called by other groups, either. Marriages have to be done within their castes. If any member from a higher caste such as Brahmins, Chettris and Gurungs keeps marital relation with unprivileged member, he/she is banished by society degrading him/her to the same of subordinate. Superstitions and traditional beliefs are still prevalent followed by authentic way of medication where Jhankri's (Shamans) are more appreciated than a real doctor. The trend and lifestyle of both the villages are still steeped into the age-old tradition. The villages are examples to set because of its unique culture thus can be a perfect institution to learn for a person having interest in lifestyles of the indigenous inhabitants.

The most amazing gesture of welcoming is the Ghatu dance performed by three women in most unique clothing and a white crown of `popped rice' knitted in thin twigs, giving it a perfect shape and texture. The Ghatu is a traditional dance of the Gurungs, scheduled to perform during the eve of Nepalese New Year. Best three girls are chosen for these dances and are trained by their superiors in a special way. The Ghatu dance has a great religious meaning among the Gurung community and the dancers are regarded as the living goddesses with a special supernatural power. After many years of practice these girls become Kusunda Ghatu Dancers who are said to have enough power to bless and curse the devotees for their good and bad. Kusunda Ghatu Dance is the most unique of all as the musical spell makes every dancer free their spirit from their bodies. They fall unconscious one after another while circling their upper body vigorously in clockwise direction as the loud music starts. The dance continues with loud bashing music on every humming of spell, magically spoken out by the chosen one.

The other prominent factor of the villages is the traditional witch doctors and their medication procedures, which stand exceptional than the regular ones. The witch doctors are called Jhankris in local language. The Jhankris are the respectable members devoted towards cultural ethics in curing people. They are believed to have a spiritual power of healing. Jhankris are of two kinds, one to heal the sick and others to deal with the spirits of dead and conduct the funerals. The first group is the real Jhankris who are supposed to cure diseases through their divine powers. The diseases in these villages are often misjudged as a curse from the evil spirits and are dealt by these Jhankris to have them release the patient from their cruel intentions. The curing practice is often performed in a dancing manner, banging musical drums called Dhyangro and Jhyali, circling the victim and making an extraordinary noise jointly that spectacularly appears as a kind of cultural phenomenon. The Gyabrung, other group of Jhankris, perform special ritual dance during the funeral. In a dancing manner these Gyabrung members take out a procession which is called Sarka. The Sarka dance is performed by some 15 or more participants, playing Sarka drums in uniformed costumes, reciting poetry in Gurung language to console the bereaved family of dead. Finally, the Ghyabrug members cure the departed soul to have it rest in peace.

One of the many such unique cultures of the villages is Tamaro Chori Dance, performed by two groups of women. Tamaro Chori means `give us your daughter' in Gurung language. The whole theme of the dance is a procedure of asking a bride from its family by a bridegroom's side. The bridegroom's side tries to convince the bride's side by showing capabilities of taking care of would-be-married girl. The girl's side asks heavy dowry. Finally, the dance ends with a positive note. Other cultural aspects of the villages are Dohori, Rodhi, Lama dance, Krishna charitra dance etc.

The Gurungs have their own originality for their clothing. Men wear Faki, sorts of skirt looking clothe made of single piece of cloth, colored in white, attached by a special wide belt in red followed by a Nepali cap, Bhoto, Khati and Stacoat on their tops. Whereas the women wear Guniyo, Kramo, Patuka, below and Cholo and Ghalek, Takis on their tops along with special ornament called Piru. For the tourists who are not used to living rural lives are suggested to carry things of their own for lodging. Camping tents and sleeping bags can be easily hired by those travelers planning to go to Ghan Pokhara/ Ghale Gaun. How­ever, the trip is guaranteed to be of a lifetime experience with free encounter with Mother Nature at its best, which comes along with free smiles from the people.

Text courtesy: Nepal Traveller Nov-Dec 2004 issue. Reprinted in the larger interest of the readers within and without. Thanks Mr. Dangol-ed.